Journal articles: 'Ministerie van Cultuur' – Grafiati (2024)

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- Matthias Stiefel, W.F. Wertheim, Matthias Stiefel, Rejoinder to Duller’s review in BKI 142-I, with comments by H.J. Duller., W.F. Wertheim (eds.) - K.A. Adelaar, James T. Collins, The historical relationship of the languages of central Maluku, Indonesia, Pacific Linguistics Series D, No. 47, 1983. - J.G. de Casparis, Antoinette M. Barrett Jones, Early tenth-century Java from the inscriptions. A study of economic, social and administrative conditions in the first quarter of the century, Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde No. 107, Dordrecht/Cinnaminson 1984. XI + 204 pp. - P.J. Drooglever, L. de Jong, Het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden in de Tweede Wereldoorlog, deel 11a, Nederlands-Indië I, eerste en tweede helft, Martinus Nijhoff, Leiden 1984, 1199 pp., kaarten, foto’s. - David T. Hill, Julie Southwood, Indonesia: Law, propaganda and terror, with foreword by W.F. Wertheim, Zed press, 1983, 272 pp., Patrick Flanagan (eds.) - V.J.H. Houben, C.Ch. van den Haspel, Overwicht in overleg. Hervormingen van justitie, grondgebruik en bestuur in de Vorstenlanden op Java 1880-1930, VKI 111, Dordrecht: Foris publications, 1985. - Maarten Kuitenbrouwer, J. van Goor, Imperialisme in de marge. De afronding van Nederlands-Indië, Utrecht 1985. - Harry A. Poeze, Hansje Galesloot, De Nederlandse vakbondsperiodieken van het IISG; Systematisch overzicht. Amsterdam: Stichting Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 1985, xiv + 241 pp., Tom van der Meer (eds.) - Harry A. Poeze, Frits G.P. Jacquet, Sources of the history of Asia and Oceania in the Netherlands. Part II: Sources 1796-1949. München etc.: Saur, 1983, 547 pp. - Harry A. Poeze, Mies Campfens, De Nederlandse archieven van het Internationaal Instituut voor sociale geschiedenis te Amsterdam. Amsterdam: Van Gennep, 1984, 294 pp. - Harry A. Poeze, Henk Hondius, Inventaris van het archief van de Sociaal-Democratische arbeiders partij (SDAP) 1894-1946. Amsterdam: Stichting Internationaal Instituut voor sociale geschiedenis, 1985, xxviii + 210 pp., Margreet Schrevel (eds.) - Jan van der Putten, Slamet Modiwirjo, Panglipur Ati (ed. Johan Sarmo & Hein Vruggink), Uitgegeven door de afdeling cultuurstudies van het Ministerie van Volksmobilisatie en cultuur (Suriname), 1983. - Jan van der Putten, Saleman Siswowitono, Dongèng Kancil; Het verhaal van kantjil (ed. J.J. Sarmo & H.D. Vruggink), Een uitgave van de afdeling cultuur studies van het Ministerie van cultuur, Jeugd en Sport (Suriname), 1983. - Jan van der Putten, Pamin Asmawidjaja, Djoko miskin; De arme jongeling (ed. J.J. Sarmo & H.D. Vruggink), Een uitgave van de afdeling cultuur studies van het Ministerie van cultuur, jeugd en sport (Suriname), 1983. - Jan van der Putten, Johan J. Sarmo, Cikal; Kalawarti Jawa-Suriname, Wonny Karijopawiro (redactie), Nummers 1 tot en met 4 (1: 1982; 2: mei 1983; 3: oktober 1983; 4: maart 1984)., Sari Kasanpawiro, Hein Vruggink (eds.) - S.C. van Randwijck, Th. van den End, De Gereformeerde Zendingsbond (1901-1961) Nederland-Tanah Toraja, een bronnenpublicatie, bewerkt door Dr. Th. van den End, 782 pp., 1985. - R. Roolvink, Judith Nagata, The reflowering of Malaysian Islam - Modern religious radicals and their roots, University of Columbia Press, Vancouver, 1984, xxv + 267 pp., 2 appendixes, index. - Roger Tol, Soenjono Dardjowidjojo, Vocabulary building in Indonesian: an advanced reader. Ohio University, Monographs in international studies, Southeast Asia series No. 64, 1984. XVII, 647 pp. - R.S. Wassing, Annegret Haake, Javanische Batik. Methode, Symbolik, Geschichte (Javanese Batik. Method, symbolism, history), Hannover: Verlag M. + H. Schaper (Textilkunst-Fach-schrifte), 1984. Bound, 128 pp., 24 colour ills., black and white ills., drawings. - R.S. Wassing, Inger McCabe Elliott, Batik. Fabled cloth of Java, New York: Clarkson N. Potter Inc., 1984. Bound, 240 pp., 128 colour ills., black and white ills., drawings. - R.S. Wassing, Alit Veldhuisen-Djajasoebrata, Bloemen van het heelal. De Kleurrijke wereld van de textiel op Java (Flowers of the Universe. The colourful world of textiles in Java), Amsterdam: A.W. Sijthoff’s Uitgeversmaatschappij B.V., 1984. Bound, 166 pp., 55 colour ills., numerous black and white ills., drawings. - Colin Yallop, Bambang Kaswanti Purwo, Towards a description of contemporary Indonesian: Preliminary studies, Part I; John W.M. Verhaar (ed.), Towards a description of contemporary Indonesian: Preliminary studies, Part II; NUSA Linguistic studies of Indonesian and other languages in Indonesia, vols 18 and 19, Jakarta, 1984, 64 and 74 pp., John W.M. Verhaar (eds.)

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‘Het lijkt mij dus niet vol te houden dat de komst van IFRS betekent dat regels het gaan win - nen van het inzicht. Integen deel zelfs.’ (J.H.M. Willems, voorzitter Ondernemingskamer van het Gerechtshof te Amsterdam) Vanaf de jaarrekeningen 2006 gaat het dan eindelijk gebeuren: het lang verwachte toezicht op de jaarrekeningen van ondernemingen, uit te voeren door de Autoriteit Financiële Markten (AFM). Eind oktober 2005 heeft het Ministerie van Financiën het voorstel voor de Wet toezicht financiële verslaggeving (WTFV) openbaar gemaakt. De Eerste Kamer heeft inmiddels het voorstel goedgekeurd. Hiermee wordt in Nederland aangesloten bij een al in vele landen bestaande cultuur van toezicht. Het is mede een uitvloeisel van de toepassing van IFRS in Europa, waarbij ‘endorsem*nt’ (goedkeuring door de EU) en ‘enforcement’ (toezicht) belangrijke ingrediënten zijn. Coördinatie van het toezicht in Europa vindt plaats door het Committee of European Securities Regulators (CESR), naar verwachting een voorloper van één centrale Europese toezichthouder (Delger en Koster, 2006).

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Dit artikel bouwt verder op een vorig in WT verschenen artikel over de voorgeschiedenis (vanaf 1945) en de totstandkoming van het Koninklijk Besluit van 14 november 1964 tot bevordering van de Nederlandstalige filmcultuur, wat de start van de systematische en selectieve cultureel gemotiveerde filmproductiesteun in Vlaanderen inluidde. Dit vervolgartikel handelt over de institutionele ontwikkeling van het filmproductiebeleid in Vlaanderen vanaf 1964 tot 1981, toen Karel Poma (PVV) de onafgebroken opeenvolging van CVP-ministers van Cultuur doorbrak. Na een schets van de algemene budgettaire en ministeriële beleidscontext, gaat het artikel in op de veelvuldige kritieken op het filmproductiebeleid in de betreffende periode. Als antwoord op deze kritiek ontstonden er diverse initiatieven om het KB van 1964 structureel te hernieuwen. Dit artikel duidt de redenen waarom deze pogingen telkens mislukten en gaat tegelijk dieper in op hoe deze initiatieven zich verhielden tot het Vlaamse streven naar culturele autonomie en het communautaire gegeven.__________ ‘An impressive stack of documents.’ On the difficult institutional development of the film production policy in Flanders (1964-1981)This article builds further on an article that appeared previously in WT about the events leading up to (from 1945), and the realization of, the Royal Decree of 14 November 1964 for the development of Dutch-language film culture, which led to the beginning of the systematic and selective culturally-motivated support of film production in Flanders. This follow-up article covers the institutional development of the film production policy in Flanders from 1964 to 1981, when Karel Poma of the PVV (the Flemish Liberals) broke through the uninterrupted succession of Ministers of Culture from the CVP (the Flemish Catholic Party). After a sketch of the general budgetary and ministerial policy context, the article looks at the multiple criticisms of film production policy during this period. In response to this criticism came several diverse initiatives to structurally renew the Royal Decree of 1964. This article points out the reasons why these attempts repeatedly failed and at the same time looks at how these initiatives related to the Flemish struggle for cultural autonomy and the communitarian situation.

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El papel y la incidencia de los medios de comunicación en las personas mayores es un asunto insuficientemente conocido en España. Lo que sí sabemos es que entre las actividades que más realizan los mayores, destaca por encima de todas, la audiencia de medios de comunicación (Imserso, 2.000). De igual manera conocemos la creciente preferencia de los mayores por vivir solos (Ministerio de Sanidad y consumo, 2000). Todo lo concerniente a la comunicación y al papel de los medios en la misma (Uña, 1991), así como los efectos "persuasivos" de los medios de comunicación en las sociedades avanzadas (Roiz, 1994), es un asunto de extraordinario calado teórico dentro de la sociología, y por tanto de gran incidencia en la cultura de las sociedades actuales. Los medios de comunicación están llamados a desempeñar el papel de primer agente socializador en las sociedades avanzadas, aliviando así de estas funciones a otros agentes tradicionales de su ejecución tales como el sistema educativo, la familia o la propia política. Este extremo -o este paradigma, como queramos-, está siendo puesto de relieve por un muy nutrido grupo de especialistas de reconocido prestigio entre los cuales se encuentran autores como N. Postman (1991, 1996 y 1997) M. Castells (1995, 1997, 1998 y 1999), J. Baudrillard (1993 y 1997), G. Sartori (1998), P. A. Mercier (1985), M. A. Davara (1996), N. Bilbeny (1977), G. Bueno (2000) o J. B. Terceiro (1996) entre otros. Los análisis, como las denominaciones, son muy variados y van desde la “sociedad red” (Castells) al “divertirse o morir” y el “discurso público en la época del show business” (Postman) al “hom*o videns” (Sartori), a la sociedad del simulacro” Baudrillard), a la de la “apariencia” (Bueno) o a la “sociedad virtual” (Davara). Pero en general todos ellos enfatizan la preeminencia –y el poder- de los medios de comunicación en nuestras sociedades a la hora de influir en la opinión pública y e generar cultura de masas.

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RESUMENEl objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar sobre los mecanismos de financiación y de control de las instituciones religiosas por los laicos en las primeras décadas de la conquista y colonización de Hispanoamérica. Investigar sobre la inversión laica en lo sagrado supone en un primer lugar aclarar la historiografía sobre laicos, religión y dinero en las sociedades de Antiguo Régimen y su trasposición en América, planteando una mirada desde el punto de vista de las motivaciones múltiples de los actores seglares. A través del ejemplo de restituciones, donaciones y legados en losAndes, se explora el papel de los laicos españoles, y también de las poblaciones indígenas, en el establecimiento de la densa red de instituciones católicas que se construye entonces. La propuesta postula el protagonismo de actores laicos en la construcción de un espacio cristiano en los Andes peruanos en el siglo XVI y principios del XVII, donde la inversión económica permite contribuir a la transición de una sociedad de guerra y conquista a una sociedad corporativa pacificada.PALABRAS CLAVE: Hispanoamérica-Andes, religión, economía, encomienda, siglos XVI y XVII.ABSTRACTThis article aims to reflect on the mechanisms of financing and control of religious institutions by the laity in the first decades of the conquest and colonization of Spanish America. Investigating lay investment in the sacred sphere means first of all to clarifying historiography on laity, religion and money within Ancien Régime societies and their transposition to America, taking into account the multiple motivations of secular actors. The example of restitutions, donations and legacies inthe Andes enables us to explore the role of the Spanish laity and indigenous populations in the establishment of the dense network of Catholic institutions that was established during this period. The proposal postulates the role of lay actors in the construction of a Christian space in the Peruvian Andes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when economic investment contributed to the transition from a society of war and conquest to a pacified, corporate society.KEY WORDS: Hispanic America-Andes, religion, economics, encomienda, 16th and 17th centuries. BIBLIOGRAFIAAbercrombie, T., “Tributes to Bad Conscience: Charity, Restitution, and Inheritance in Cacique and Encomendero Testaments of 16th-Century Charcas”, en Kellogg, S. y Restall, M. 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Abstract:

RESUMEN:El objetivo del artículo es aproximarnos a la controvertida biografía del comisario Manuel Brabo Portillo. El trabajo está basado en fuentes primarias y secundarias. El método utilizado es empírico. En el imaginario del mundo sindicalista revolucionario, Brabo Portillo era el policía más odiado, la reencarnación de la cara más turbia del Estado. Fue, así mismo, un espía alemán relacionado con el hundimiento de barcos españoles, el asesinato del empresario e ingeniero Barret y el primer jefe de los terroristas vinculados a la patronal barcelonesa. La conflictividad que afectó a España en el período de la Primera Guerra Mundial es fundamental para entender los orígenes del terrorismo vinculado al pistolerismo, que marcó la historia político social española del primer tercio del siglo XX.PALABRAS CLAVE: Brabo Portillo, pistolerismo, espionaje, sindicalismo, Primera Guerra Mundial.ABSTRACT:The objective of the article is an approach to the controversial biography of Police Chief Manuel Brabo Portillo. The work is based on primary and secondary sources. The method used is empirical. In the imagery of the revolutionary syndicalist world, Brabo Portillo was the most hated policeman, the reincarnation of the murkiest face of the state. He was also a German spy connected with the sinking of Spanish ships, the murder of businessman and engineer Josep Barret and the first head of the terrorists linked to Barcelona employers. The conflict that affected Spain during the period of the First World War is fundamental in order to understand the origins of terrorism linked to pistolerismo, which marked Spanish social political history during the first third of the twentieth century.KEY WORDS: Brabo Portillo, pistolerismo, espionage, syndicalism, First World War. BIBLIOGRAFÍAAisa, M., La efervescencia social de los años 20. Barcelona 1917-1923, Barcelona, Descontrol, 2016.Aguirre de Cárcer, N., La neutralidad de España durante la Primera Guerra Mundial (1914-1918). I. Bélgica, Madrid, Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, 1995.Alonso, G., “’Afectos caprichosos’: Tradicionalismo y germanofilia en España durante la Gran Guerra”, Hispania Nova, 15, 2017, pp. 394-415.Amador, A., El Terror blanco en Barcelona. Las bombas y los atentados personales. Actuación infernal de una banda de asesinos al servicio de la burguesía. El asesinato como una industria, Tarragona, Talleres gráf. 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Abstract:

<p align="right"><strong> </strong></p><p>En este ejemplar de la revista Contexto y Educaçao se presentan media docena de trabajos relacionados con el tema: el paisaje y la educación ambiental, que se aborda desde una perspectiva multidisciplinar, aunque con especial atención al enfoque geográfico. La geografía siempre ha ofrecido una visión global de la relación entre el ámbito natural y las intervenciones humanas, cuyas transformaciones han generado paisajes culturales singulares. En el mundo mediterráneo, los campos de olivares constituyen un paisaje cultural con una identidad propia, que se extienden por la orla septentrional y meridional. Asimismo, el clima mediterráneo, que alcanza a los paisajes australes, permite desarrollar el viñedo, como explotación singular. En el Mediterráneo, también resultan excepcionales los paisajes de los palmerales magrebíes, que resultan de la explotación del manto acuífero de los oasis.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>De la singularidad del paisaje y su compleja articulación educativa</strong></p><p>El concepto de paisaje se ha ido elaborando desde hace apenas dos siglos, aunque siempre ha estado presente en la sensibilidad humana. Asi se comprueba en los meticulosos fondos de las escenas retratadas en las tablas flamencas del siglo XV (Van Eyck y Brueghel), o bien, en los estudios científicos (Von Humboldt, Reclus, Darwin, FitzRoy…) así como en los relatos de los viajes (Burton, Conrad, Doyle, Steinbeck, Zweig…). La aparición del concepto de paisaje como objeto de estudio en la geografía se debe a A. von Humboldt hacia la mitad del siglo XIX. La elaboración de una metodología sistemática ha permitido describir y analizar el territorio para así identificar, cartografiar y poner en valor los distintos paisajes del mundo. El resultado supuso la publicación de un nutrido conjunto de trabajos dedicados al estudio del paisaje, entre los que conviene resaltar el Atlas de los Paisajes de España (Mata y Sanz, 2004).</p><p>En la última década, se ha tratado de alcanzar acuerdos internacionales sobre el paisaje, con el fin de preservar y difundir el conocimiento de los paisajes y su fragilidad para su conservación. En esta línea, en 2000 se suscribió el Convenio Europeo del Paisaje, que sugiere algunas actuaciones en el ámbito de la investigación y también de la educación. Sin embargo, como suele suceder en los reglamentos y convenios de mayor rango y amplio ámbito legal, este Convenio precisa de un desarrollo particular en el apartado dedicado a la educación. Si el recorrido epistemológico del paisaje se ha sostenido durante las últimas décadas, por el contrario, la didáctica del paisaje muestra un jalonado camino, que resulta ser mucho más sinuoso. Pues apenas se ha comenzado a elaborar propuestas educativas que aglutinen los contenidos que aparecen en el currículo.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>De la aproximación educativa del medio ambiente</strong></p><p>A finales del siglo XIX, Elisée Reclus sostiene el indispensable conocimiento de la naturaleza para promover una actitud responsable de la ciudadanía. Este geógrafo, con un profundo compromiso social, realiza numerosos viajes que le proporcionan un intenso conocimiento de los contrastes humanos y naturales de la realidad de los paisajes. Las observaciones geográficas de Reclus muestran un penetrante interés por numerosos aspectos, manifestaciones y procesos de la vida. Esta actitud implica encontrar un equilibrio entre los usos de los recursos naturales y aprovechamientos humanos para establecer espacios de conservación de la naturaleza, e incluso una política sobre los parques naturales.</p><p>En el cambio del siglo XIX al XX, la Institución Libre de Enseñanza propugna el conocimiento y la sensibilidad por la Sierra de Guadarrama. Francisco Giner de los Ríos también valoraba el crecimiento personal, que significaba vivir situaciones fuera del ámbito escolar. Aquellos otros geógrafos y naturalistas, cuya actividad docente les exigía realizar excursiones con los alumnos del instituto, como Juan Dantín Cereceda, Juan Carandell Pericay y Carlos Vidal Box, llevaron a cabo una intensa labor educativa para el conocimiento de la naturaleza.</p><p>Desde los comienzos del siglo XX, tanto Montessori como Freinet impulsaron el estudio del entorno de la escuela, como el contexto natural de una educación integral. Montessori defiende que la educación consiste en guiar al niño hacia el desarrollo de la vida humana en el medio ambiente que lo rodea. En suma, la educación vendría a ser el proceso de maduración y desarrollo individual. Freinet consideraba que había que aproximar el estudio del medio al niño, desde donde se potencian otros valores de cooperación y sociabilidad.</p><p>Freinet ubica la escuela en un amplio contexto de actividad humana, donde se localiza el pueblo o la ciudad. Y, en ellos, se encuentran los talleres y las actividades profesionales estrechamente relacionadas con el entorno, al igual que los oficios proporcionan la vida a la villa (el agricultor, el pastor, el panadero…). En las dos últimas décadas del siglo XX se desarrollaron numerosas propuestas educativas vinculadas al entorno natural, desde el descubrimiento, o bien, desde la investigación. En unos casos se proponen actividades desarrolladas en pequeños entornos específicos como si se tratara de laboratorios naturales ligados a las actividades de aula. En otras ocasiones, la orientación educativa se dirige hacia aulas de naturaleza y granjas-escuela, ajenas al aula.</p><p>Gurevich (2011:18) afirma que “el tema ambiental evoca lo común, lo que es de todos. Nos recuerda que no hay refugios individuales ni privados frente a un estado de situación que comprometa la reproducción de las condiciones naturales que hacen posible la vida sobre la Tierra”. Esta autora se refiere al “ambiente” como “aquel conjunto que articula dos sistemas de elementos y relaciones que configuran el hábitat de la humanidad: uno, el sistema natural, y el otro, el sistema social” (Gurevich, 2011:18-19). </p><p>En otro punto de la discusión se encuentran las modificaciones en la naturaleza que llevan consigo. Bachmann (2011) establece dos tipos de procesos sobre los problemas ambientales: los deterioros ambientales y el acceso diferencial al aprovechamiento ambiental. El deterioro ambiental concierne a las acciones realizadas sobre el ecosistema, que supone un perjuicio para la sociedad asentada, debido a la incapacidad de reemplazo que soporta el medio físico. El segundo grupo se refiere al beneficio obtenido sobre determinados ambientes que han sido deteriorados o que cambiaron de uso. Bajo esta perspectiva se atisba una complicidad entre el medio ambiente y el paisaje, que pudieran tener su proyección educativa.</p><p> </p><p><strong>El reto didáctico del paisaje en la educación ambiental </strong></p><p>El concepto relativo a términos como medio ambiente y entorno posee raíces más modernas, aunque marcadas por protocolos y conferencias mundiales con carácter social, político y económico. En este sentido, el camino del medio ambiente ha ido cambiando su orientación, en función de los contenidos más sobresalientes del momento. Así, se ha pasado del respeto hacia el medio ambiente para llegar a la sostenibilidad. De constituir las actividades a desarrollar dentro del aula pasan a ser parte del proyecto educativo de centro, como actividad comprometida y medular del mismo. Posiblemente, el reto didáctico del paisaje estriba en asimilar las acciones de compromiso de la educación ambiental, a fin de proponer una perspectiva del paisaje global, interdisciplinar y comprometida.</p><p>En este número de la revista se pretende ofrecer diferentes miradas sobre el paisaje aunque sin pretender ser exhaustivo en todos los aspectos que atañen al ámbito educativo. Tal y como suele suceder en los volúmenes dedicados a un tema se busca aportar iniciativas y propuestas educativas así como sugerir nuevas perspectivas donde el estudio específico del paisaje se vincule a la educación. En la línea dedicada a las nuevas perspectivas educativas se presenta estudio de análisis del paisaje en los libros de texto, de Martínez y Arrebola. En él se muestran los resultados obtenidos tras realizar dicha comparación. En el estudio se refleja que la normativa española suscita prevalecer los contenidos conceptuales sobre los procedimentales, tal como se manifiesta en los libros de texto escolares.</p><p>Resulta evidente que para llegar a valorar el paisaje se precisa un conocimiento profundo del mismo. En este número se presentan dos trabajos donde la intervención humana ha sido determinante en la evolución de esos paisajes. Dos de ellos se refieren a la alteración de la imagen inicial de un paisaje urbano transformado. Uno de ellos corresponde a la presencia de la cultura romana en Mérida (Badajoz, España), firmado por Sánchez Rico, donde muestran las adaptaciones generadas en el emplazamiento original. Edificios civiles, viario, caserío componen un entramado de elementos urbanísticos para organizar y adaptar al territorio. El paisaje urbano resultante proporciona unas condiciones de vida que permiten elegir unos personajes para explicar la vida en la época romana. Este método de aprendizaje, ajeno a las aulas y próximo a los lugares patrimoniales, se denomina <em>living-history</em>.</p><p>En trabajo elaborado por Jerez y Serrano se destaca el valor de los paisajes alterados, donde La Mancha se consolida como tal. Estos autores revelan el valor cultural que adquieren ciertos paisajes modificados por las intervenciones humanas hasta el punto de constituir nuevos paisajes. Ab´Sáber (2006) realiza un inventario sobre los paisajes de excepción en Brasil, como espacios naturales y espacios culturales heredados, concepto muy próximo a la alteración del paisaje. Este concepto origina una ruptura con la percepción cotidiana que se tiene de paisaje, Cavalcanti (2008) analizó las ideas previas que los alumnos de educación primaria poseían sobre determinados conceptos, que en el caso del paisaje corresponde a una idea utópica. Jerez y serrano proponen que esos paisajes alterados sean objeto de itinerarios didácticos para formar interpretaciones que conduzcan a la compresión de los geosistemas.</p><p>De Uña y Álvarez realizan una propuesta educativa para resaltar el valor del patrimonio. Para ello, los autores sustentan una estrategia didáctica sobre el significado e interés que supone las formas de erosión en los sistemas fluviales. Dichas formas de erosión constituyen el patrimonio natural que debe aplicarse a los estudiantes de la educación superior. Por su parte, Chica aporta un proyecto de trabajo aplicado a los alumnos de educación infantil. Esta experiencia educativa ha supuesto a los alumnos vivenciar la actividad artística de Keith Haring en los muros de su escuela, al tiempo que descubrir su ciudad. Ambas propuestas educativas, tan diferentes al ser aplicadas a los alumnos de educación infantil y superior, coinciden al promover la experimentación del espacio como parte de ese patrimonio natural y cultural. Los ríos y las ciudades se convierten en el eje de los contenidos que permiten generar proyectos educativos en el aula. En definitiva, todos estos trabajos suponen un respiro educativo para la labor docente y un impulso a la elaboración y aplicación de propuestas didácticas reales sobre el paisaje y sobre su relación con el medio ambiente.</p><p>Bibliografía:</p><p>AB´SABER, A. (2006). <em>Brasil: Paisagens de Exceção</em>, Cotia, SP: Ateliê Editorial.</p><p>BACHENAM, L. (2011). “Recursos naturales y servicios ambientales. Reflexiones sobre tipos de manejo”. En R. Gurevich (Comp.): <em>Ambiente y Educación. Una apuesta al futuro</em>, Buenos Aires: Paidós.</p><p>CAVALCANTI, L. (1998). <em>Geografia, Escola e Construção de Conhecimentos</em>, Campinas, SP: Papirus Editora.</p><p>GUREVICH, R. (2011). “La cuestión ambiental y sus derivas educativas”. En R. Gurevich (Comp.): <em>Ambiente y Educación. Una apuesta al futuro</em>, Buenos Aires: Paidós.</p><p>MATA, R. y Sainz, C. (2004). <em>Atlas de los Paisajes de España</em>, Madrid: Ministerio de Medio Ambiente.</p>

Abstract:

Crisis in the manse. In a pilot study, 72 ministers and their wives were interviewed in focus groups to determine why ministers leave the Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk van Afrika. Utilising the qualitative data of this research project could in future facilitate the formulation of effective strategies to create a salutogenit culture in the church.

Abstract:

Seminary versus theological faculty: The experience of the Dutch Reformed Church This article poses the question of why the Theological Seminary initiated and established by the Dutch Reformed Church, became - after 104 years - the Faculty of Theology at the University of Stellenbosch. In a real sense it was a contextual and logical development. Right from the beginning, the church put a high value on a theological education connected to a university. However, considering the problems of faith and reason, church and culture, the Synod insisted on official guidance of the theological instruction of ministers in training. By agreement, the University adopted the Seminary as its faculty, allowing it to retain its name and identity. In this way the church obtained the required degree course for its students.

Abstract:

Teen die agtergrond van Agrizzi se getuienis van grootskaalse korrupsie in die Departement van Korrektiewe Dienste (die Bosasa-skandaal) en die nuwe Minister se oogmerk om vrygelate gevangenes behulpsaam te wees met werksverskaffing en hervestiging, word die vraag gevra of die verlammende invloed van post-vrylatingstigma geregverdig is. Vanuit ‘n volksvergelykende perspektief is die vertrekpunt dat gevangenisstraf as Suid-Afrika se oorheersende strafparadigma nie ons onhoudbare hoë oortredingsyfers enigsins verlaag het nie en dit inderdaad aangeblaas het. ‘n Post-Marxistiese teoretiese raamwerk bevraagteken en geproblematiseer die stigma waaronder vrygelate oortreders in harde stigmatiserend-beskamingskulture (Suid-Afrika, die VSA) gebuk gaan. Nadat die regverdigings vir stigma oorweeg en as onsinnig verwerp is – dit slaan op die stereotipe óf ongeregverdigde vooroordeel – word die grootliks gediskrediteerde gedagte aan indiwiduele aanspreeklikheid aan die orde gestel. Die multivlak-kompleksiteit van misdaad as ‘n maatskaplike verskynsel word ondersoek en strukturele verdrukkings (rassisme, chauvinisme, armoede, stigma teen vrygelate voormalige oortreders, verdiepende ongelykheid) wat as teelaarde vir misdaad dien, word ook belig. Ek doen aan die hand dat sodanige stigma op beide haatspraak en ongrondwetlikheid in Suid-Afrika neerkom. Ten slotte word ingrype (byvoorbeeld kriminalisering van stigma) ter bevordering van ‘n integrerend-beskamende kultuur aan die hand gedoen en in ‘n bepeinsende slotsom word die maatskaplike huigelary rondom hierdie vraagstuk bekla. A plea for the criminalization of stigma against ex-offenders in South Africa Abstract Against the backdrop of Agrizzi’s testimony of large-scale corruption in the Department of Correctional Services (the Bosasa scandal) and the new Minister’s initiative in assisting ex-offenders with job opportunities and resettlement, the question is asked whether or not the paralyzing impact of post-release stigma is justified. From a comparative perspective, my point of departure is that imprisonment as South Africa’s dominant sentencing regime has not impacted our unsustainable rates of recidivism and may in fact have made the situation worse. A post-Marxist theoretical perspective questions and problematizes the stigma which haunts ex-offenders in stigmatizing shaming cultures (such as in South Africa and the US). After examining and rejecting as irrational, the justifications for stigma – since these either apply to the stereotype or are backed by unexamined prejudice – the largely discredited idea of individual responsibility is taken to task. The multi-level complexity of crime is considered, and criminogenic structural oppressions (racism, poverty, sexism, stigma against ex-offenders, growing inequality) are highlighted. It is submitted that stigma qualifies both as hate speech and as being unconstitutional in South Africa. A number of interventions are proposed (such as the criminalization of stigma against ex-offenders) which are aimed at the promotion of an integrative shaming culture and in a deeply reflective conclusion, the hypocrisy in the wider community is lamented

Abstract:

Introduction The scientific validity of climate change claims, how to intervene (if at all) in environmental, economic, political and social consequences of climate change, and the adaptation and mitigation needed with any given climate change scenario, are contested areas of public, policy and academic discourses. For marginalised populations, the climate discourses around adaptation, mitigation, vulnerability and resilience are of particular importance. This paper considers the silence around disabled people in these discourses. Marci Roth of the Spinal Cord Injury Association testified before Congress in regards to the Katrina disaster: [On August 29] Susan Daniels called me to enlist my help because her sister in-law, a quadriplegic woman in New Orleans, had been unsuccessfully trying to evacuate to the Superdome for two days. […] It was clear that this woman, Benilda Caixetta, was not being evacuated. I stayed on the phone with Benilda, for the most part of the day. […] She kept telling me she’d been calling for a ride to the Superdome since Saturday; but, despite promises, no one came. The very same paratransit system that people can’t rely on in good weather is what was being relied on in the evacuation. […] I was on the phone with Benilda when she told me, with panic in her voice “the water is rushing in.” And then her phone went dead. We learned five days later that she had been found in her apartment dead, floating next to her wheelchair. […] Benilda did not have to drown. (National Council on Disability, emphasis added) According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), adaptation is the “Adjustment in natural or human systems in response to actual or expected climatic stimuli or their effects, which moderates harm or exploits beneficial opportunities” (IPCC, Climate Change 2007). Adaptations can be anticipatory or reactive, and depending on their degree of spontaneity they can be autonomous or planned (IPCC, Fourth Assessment Report). Adaptations can be private or public (IPCC, Fourth Assessment Report), technological, behavioural, managerial and structural (National Research Council of Canada). Adaptation, in the context of human dimensions of global change, usually refers to a process, action or outcome in a system (household, community, group, sector, region, country) in order for that system to better cope with, manage or adjust to some changing condition, stress, hazard, risk or opportunity (Smit and Wandel). Adaptation can encompass national or regional strategies as well as practical steps taken at the community level or by individuals. According to Smit et al, a framework for systematically defining adaptations is based on three questions: (i) adaptation to what; (ii) who or what adapts; and (iii) how does adaptation occur? These are essential questions that have to be looked at from many angles including cultural and anthropological lenses as well as lenses of marginalised and highly vulnerable populations. Mitigation (to reduce or prevent changes in the climate system), vulnerability (the degree to which a system is susceptible to, and unable to cope with, the adverse effects of climate change), and resilience (the amount of change a system can undergo without changing state), are other important concepts within the climate change discourse. Non-climate stresses can increase vulnerability to climate change by reducing resilience and can also reduce adaptive capacity because of resource deployment to competing needs. Extending this to the context of disabled people, ableism (sentiment to expect certain abilities within humans) (Wolbring, “Is there an end to out-able?”) and disablism (the unwillingness to accommodate different needs) (Miller, Parker and Gillinson) are two concepts that will thus play themselves out in climate discourses. The “Summary for Policymakers” of the IPCC 2007 report, Climate Change 2007: Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability, states: “Poor communities can be especially vulnerable, in particular those concentrated in high-risk areas. They tend to have more limited adaptive capacities, and are more dependent on climate-sensitive resources such as local water and food supplies.” From this quote one can conclude that disabled people are particularly impacted, as the majority of disabled people live in poverty (Elwan). For instance, CARE International, a humanitarian organisation fighting global poverty, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, and Maplecroft, a company that specialises in the calculation, analysis and visualisation of global risks, conclude: “The degree of vulnerability is determined by underlying natural, human, social, physical and financial factors and is a major reason why poor people—especially those in marginalised social groups like women, children, the elderly and people with disabilities—are most affected by disasters” (CARE International). The purpose of this paper is to expose the reader to (a) how disabled people are situated in the culture of the climate, adaptation, mitigation and resilience discourse; (b) how one would answer the three questions, (i) adaptation to what, (ii) who or what adapts, and (iii) how does adaptation occur (Smit et al), using a disabled people lens; and (c) what that reality of the involvement of disabled people within the climate change discourse might herald for other groups in the future. The paper contends that there is a pressing need for the climate discourse to be more inclusive and to develop a new social contract to modify existing dynamics of ableism and disablism so as to avoid the uneven distribution of evident burdens already linked to climate change. A Culture of Neglect: The Situation of Disabled People As climates changes, environmental events that are classified as natural disasters are expected to be more frequent. In the face of recent disaster responses, how effective have these efforts been as they relate to the needs and challenges faced by disabled people? Almost immediately after Hurricane Katrina devastated the Gulf Coast, the National Council on Disability (NCD) in the United States estimated that 155,000 people with disabilities lived in the three cities hardest hit by the hurricane (about 25 per cent of the cities’ populations). The NCD urged emergency managers and government officials to recognise that the need for basic necessities by hurricane survivors with disabilities was “compounded by chronic health conditions and functional impairments … [which include] people who are blind, people who are deaf, people who use wheelchairs, canes, walkers, crutches, people with service animals, and people with mental health needs.” The NCD estimated that a disproportionate number of fatalities were people with disabilities. They cited one statistic from the American Association of Retired Persons (AARP): “73 per cent of Hurricane Katrina-related deaths in New Orleans area were among persons age 60 and over, although they comprised only 15 per cent of the population in New Orleans.” As the NCD stated, “most of those individuals had medical conditions and functional or sensory disabilities that made them more vulnerable. Many more people with disabilities under the age of 60 died or were otherwise impacted by the hurricanes.” As these numbers are very likely linked to the impaired status of the elderly, it seems reasonable to assume similar numbers for non-elderly disabled people. Hurricane Katrina is but one example of how disabled people are neglected in a disaster (Hemingway and Priestley; Fjord and Manderson). Disabled people were also disproportionately impacted in other disasters, such as the 1995 Great Hanshin Earthquake in Japan (Nakamura) or the 2003 heatwave in France, where 63 per cent of heat-related deaths occurred in institutions, with a quarter of these in nursing homes (Holstein et al.). A review of 18 US heatwave response plans revealed that although people with mental or chronic illnesses and the homeless constitute a significant proportion of the victims in recent heatwaves, only one plan emphasised outreach to disabled persons, and only two addressed the shelter and water needs of the homeless (Ebi and Meehl; Bernhard and McGeehin). Presence of Disabled People in Climate Discourse Although climate change will disproportionately impact disabled people, despite the less than stellar record of disaster adaptation and mitigation efforts towards disabled people, and despite the fact that other social groups (such as women, children, ‘the poor’, indigenous people, farmers and displaced people) are mentioned in climate-related reports such as the IPCC reports and the Human Development Report 2007/2008, the same reports do not mention disabled people. Even worse, the majority of the material generated by, and physically set up for, discourses on climate, is inaccessible for many disabled people (Australian Human Rights Commission). For instance, the IPCC report, Climate Change 2007: Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability, contains Box 8.2: Gender and natural disasters, makes the following points: (a) “men and women are affected differently in all phases of a disaster, from exposure to risk and risk perception; to preparedness behaviour, warning communication and response; physical, psychological, social and economic impacts; emergency response; and ultimately to recovery and reconstruction”; (b) “natural disasters have been shown to result in increased domestic violence against, and post-traumatic stress disorders in, women”; and (c) “women make an important contribution to disaster reduction, often informally through participating in disaster management and acting as agents of social change. Their resilience and their networks are critical in household and community recovery.” The content of Box 8.2 acknowledges the existence of different perspectives and contributions to the climate discourse, and that it is beneficial to explore these differences. It seems reasonable to assume that differences in perspectives, contributions and impact may well also exist between people with and without disabilities, and that it may be likewise beneficial to explore these differences. Disabled people are differently affected in all phases of a disaster, from exposure to risk and risk perception; to preparedness behaviour, warning communication and response; physical, psychological, social and economic impacts; emergency response; and ultimately to recovery and reconstruction. Disabled people could also make an important contribution to disaster reduction, often informally through participating in disaster management and acting as agents of social change. Their resilience and their networks are critical in household and community recovery, important as distributors of relief efforts and in reconstruction design. The Bonn Declaration from the 2007 international conference, Disasters are always Inclusive: Persons with Disabilities in Humanitarian Emergency Situations, highlighted many problems disabled people are facing and gives recommendations for inclusive disaster preparedness planning, for inclusive response in acute emergency situations and immediate rehabilitation measures, and for inclusive post-disaster reconstruction and development measures. Many workshops were initiated by disabled people groups, such as Rehabilitation International. However, the disabled people disaster adaptation and mitigation discourse is not mainstreamed. Advocacy by people with disability for accessible transport and universal or “life-cycle” housing (among other things) shows how they can contribute significantly to more effective social systems and public facilities. These benefit everyone and help to shift public expectations towards accessible and flexible amenities and services—for example, emergency response and evacuation procedures are much easier for all if such facilities are universally accessible. Most suggestions by disabled people for a more integrative, accessible physical environment and societal attitude benefit everyone, and gain special importance with the ever-increasing proportion of elderly people in society. The IPCC Fourth Assessment Report is intended to be a balanced assessment of current knowledge on climate change mitigation. However, none of the 2007 IPCC reports mention disabled people. Does that mean that disabled people are not impacted by, or impact, climate change? Does no knowledge of adaptation, mitigation and adaptation capacity from a disabled people lens exist, or does the knowledge not reach the IPCC, or does the IPCC judge this knowledge as irrelevant? This culture of neglect and unbalanced assessment of knowledge evident in the IPCC reports was recognised before for rise of a ‘global’ climate discourse. For instance, a 2001 Canadian government document asked that research agendas be developed with the involvement of, among others, disabled people (Health Canada). The 2009 Nairobi Declaration on Africa’s response to climate change (paragraph 36) also asks for the involvement of disabled people (African Ministerial Conference on the Environment). However, so far nothing has trickled up to the international bodies, like the IPCC, or leading conferences such as the United Nations Climate Change Conference Copenhagen 2009. Where Will It End? In his essay, “We do not need climate change apartheid in adaptation”, in the Human Development Report 2007/2008, Archbishop Desmond Tutu suggests that we are drifting into a situation of global adaptation apartheid—that adaptation becomes a euphemism for social injustice on a global scale (United Nations Development Programme). He uses the term “adaptation apartheid” to highlight the inequality of support for adaptation capacity between high and low income countries: “Inequality in capacity to adapt to climate change is emerging as a potential driver of wider disparities in wealth, security and opportunities for human development”. I submit that “adaptation apartheid” also exists in regard to disabled people, with the invisibility of disabled people in the climate discourse being just one facet. The unwillingness to accommodate, to help the “other,” is nothing new for disabled people. The ableism that favours species-typical bodily functioning (Wolbring, “Is there an end to out-able?”; Wolbring, “Why NBIC?”) and disablism (Miller, Parker, and Gillinson)—the lack of accommodation enthusiasm for the needs of people with ‘below’ species-typical body abilities and the unwillingness to adapt to the needs of “others”—is a form of “adaptation apartheid,” of accommodation apartheid, of adaptation disablism that has been battled by disabled people for a long time. In a 2009 online survey of 2000 British people, 38 per cent believed that most people in British society see disabled people as a “drain on resources” (Scope). A majority of human geneticist concluded in a survey in 1999 that disabled people will never be given the support they need (Nippert and Wolff). Adaptation disablism is visible in the literature and studies around other disasters. The 1988 British Medical Association discussion document, Selection of casualties for treatment after nuclear attack, stated “casualties whose injuries were likely to lead to a permanent disability would receive lower priority than those expected to fully recover” (Sunday Morning Herald). Famine is seen to lead to increased infanticide, increased competitiveness and decreased collaboration (Participants of the Nuclear Winter: The Anthropology of Human Survival Session). Ableism and disablism notions experienced by disabled people can now be extended to include those challenges expected to arise from the need to adapt to climate change. It is reasonable to expect that ableism will prevail, expecting people to cope with certain forms of climate change, and that disablism will be extended, with the ones less affected being unwilling to accommodate the ones more affected beyond a certain point. This ableism/disablism will not only play itself out between high and low income countries, as Desmond Tutu described, but also within high income countries, as not every need will be accommodated. The disaster experience of disabled people is just one example. And there might be climate change consequences that one can only mitigate through high tech bodily adaptations that will not be available to many of the ones who are so far accommodated in high income countries. Desmond Tutu submits that adaptation apartheid might work for the fortunate ones in the short term, but will be destructive for them in the long term (United Nations Development Programme). Disability studies scholar Erik Leipoldt proposed that the disability perspective of interdependence is a practical guide from the margins for making new choices that may lead to a just and sustainable world—a concept that reduces the distance between each other and our environment (Leipoldt). This perspective rejects ableism and disablism as it plays itself out today, including adaptation apartheid. Planned adaptation involves four basic steps: information development and awareness-raising; planning and design; implementation; and monitoring and evaluation (Smit et al). Disabled people have important knowledge to contribute to these four basic steps that goes far beyond their community. Their understanding and acceptance of, for example, the concept of interdependence, is just one major contribution. Including the concept of interdependence within the set of tools that inform the four basic steps of adaptation and other facets of climate discourse has the potential to lead to a decrease of adaptation apartheid, and to increase the utility of the climate discourse for the global community as a whole. References African Ministerial Conference on the Environment. 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CARE International, 2008. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.careclimatechange.org/files/reports/Human_Implications_PolicyBrief.pdf ›, ‹ http://www.careclimatechange.org/files/reports/CARE_Human_Implications.pdf ›. "Disasters Are Always Inclusive: Persons with Disabilities in Humanitarian Emergency Situations." Bonn Declaration from the International Conference: Disasters Are Always Inclusive: Persons with Disabilities in Humanitarian Emergency Situations. 2007. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.disabilityfunders.org/webfm_send/6, http://www.disabilityfunders.org/emergency_preparedness ›, ‹ http://bezev.de/bezev/aktuelles/index.htm ›. Ebi, K., and G. Meehl. Heatwaves and Global Climate Change: The Heat Is On: Climate Change and Heatwaves in the Midwest. 2007. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ www.pewclimate.org/docUploads/Regional-Impacts-Midwest.pdf ›. Elwan, A. Poverty and Disability: A Survey of the Literature. 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Abstract:

Strootman, Rolf / Floris van den Eijnde / Roy van Wijk (Hrsg.), Empires of the Sea. Maritime Power Networks in World History (Cultural Interactions in the Mediterranean, 4), Leiden / Boston 2020, Brill, X u. 361 S. / Abb., € 119,00. (Lena Moser, Tübingen) Schilling, Lothar / Christoph Schönberger / Andreas Thier (Hrsg.), Verfassung und Öffentlichkeit in der Verfassungsgeschichte. Tagung der Vereinigung für Verfassungsgeschichte vom 22. bis 24. Februar 2016 auf der Insel Reichenau (Beihefte zu „Der Staat“, 25), Berlin 2020, Duncker &amp; Humblot, 220 S., € 69,90. (Michael Stolleis, Kronberg) Pieper, Lennart, Einheit im Konflikt. Dynastiebildung in den Grafenhäusern Lippe und Waldeck in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit (Norm und Struktur, 49), Wien / Köln / Weimar 2019, Böhlau, 623 S. / Abb., € 90,00. (Pauline Puppel, Aumühle) Das Totenbuch des Zisterzienserinnenklosters Feldbach (1279 – 1706), hrsg. v. 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Abstract:

There’s always this never-ending discussion about the curator who imposes meaning or imposes the concept of art, of what art is. I think this is the wrong opposition. Every artwork produces its concept, or a concept of what art is. And the role of the curator is not to produce a concept of art but to invent, to fabricate, elaborate reading grids or coexistence grids between them.(Nicolas Bourriaud quoted in Bourriaud, Lunghi, O’Neill, and Ruf 91–92)In 2010 at a conference in Rotterdam, Nicolas Bourriaud, Enrico Lunghi, Paul O’Neill, and Beatrix Ruf discussed the question, “Is the curator per definition a political animal?” This paper draws on their discussion when posing the reverse scenario—is the political animal per definition a curator in the context of the development of large-scale public policy? In exploring this question, I suggest that recent conceptual discussions centring on “the curatorial turn” in the arena of the creative arts provide a useful framework for understanding and managing opportunities and pitfalls in policymaking that is influenced by news media. Such a conceptual understanding is important. My empirical research has identified a transport policy arena that is changing due to news media scrutiny in Sydney, Australia. My findings are that the discourses arising and circulating in the public and the news media wield considerable influence. I posit in this paper the view that recent academic discussion of curatorial practices could identify more effective and successful approaches to policy development and implementation. I also question whether some of the key problems highlighted by commentary on the curatorial turn, such as the silencing of the voice of the artist, find parallels in policy as the influence of the bureaucrat or technical expert is diminished by the rise of the politician as curator in mediatised policy. The Political AnimalPaul O’Neill defines a political animal: “to be a passionate and human visionary—someone who bridges gaps, negotiates the impossible in order to generate change, even slight change, movements, a shivering” (Bourriaud et al. 90). O’Neill’s definition is a different definition from Aristotle’s famous assertion that humans (collectively) are the “political animal” because they are the only animals to possess speech (Danta and Vardoulakis 3). The essence of O’Neill’s definition shifts from the Aristotelian view that all humans are political, towards what Chris Danta and Dimitris Vardoulakis (4) refer to as “the consumption of the political by politics,” where the domain of the political is the realm of the elite few rather than innately human as Aristotle suggests. Moreover, there is a suggestion in O’Neill’s definition that the “political animal” is the consummate politician, creating change against great opposition. I suggest that this idea of struggle and adversity in O’Neill’s definition echoes policy development’s own “turn” of the early 1990s, “the argumentative turn in policy analysis and planning” (Fischer and Forester 43). The Argumentative Turn The argumentative turn in policy analysis and planning is premised on the assertion that “policy is made of language” (Majone 1). It represents a seismic shift in previously championed academic conceptions of policy analysis—decisionism, rationality, the economic model of choice, and other models that advocate measured, rational, and objective policy development processes. The argumentative turn highlights the importance of communication in policy development. Prior to this turn, policy analysts considered formal communication to be something that happened after policy elites had completed the scientific, objective, analytical, and rational work. Communication was perceived as being the process of “seducing” or the “‘mere words’ that add gloss to the important stuff” (Throgmorton 117–19). Communication had meant selling or “spinning” the policy—a task often left to the devices of the public relations industry by the “less scrupulous” policymaker (Dryzek 227).The new line of inquiry posits the alternative view that, far from communication being peripheral, “the policy process is constituted by and mediated through communicative practices” (Fischer and Gottweis 2). Thanks largely to the work of Deborah Stone and Giandomenico Majone, academics began to ask, “What if our language does not simply mirror or picture the world but instead profoundly shapes our view of it in the first place?” (Fischer and Forester 1). The importance of this turn to the argument, I posit in this paper, is illustrated by Stone when she contends that the communication of conflicting views and interests create a world where paradoxical positions on policy are inevitable. Stone states, “Ask a politician to define a problem and he will probably draw a battlefield and tell you who stands on which side. The analytical language of politics includes ‘for and against,’ ‘supporters and enemies,’ ‘our side and their side’” (166). Stone describes a policymaking process that is inherently difficult. Her ideas echo O’Neill’s intonation that in order for movement or even infinitesimal change it is the negotiation of the impossible that makes a political animal. The Mediatisation of Sydney Transport Stone and Majone speak only cursorily of the media in policy development. However, in recent years academics have increasingly contended that “mediatisation” be recognised as referring to the increasing influence of media in social, cultural, and political spheres (Deacon and Stanyer; Strömbäck and Esser; Shehata and Strömbäck). My own research into the influence of mediatisation on transport policy and projects in Sydney has centred more specifically on the influence of news media. My focus has been a trend towards news media influence in Australian politics and policy that has been observed by academics for more than a decade (Craig; Young; Ward, PR State; Ward, Public Affair; Ward, Power). My research entailed two case study projects, the failed Sydney CBD Metro (SCM) rail line and a North West Rail Link (NWR) currently under construction. Data-gathering included a news media study of 180 relevant print articles; 30 expert interviews with respondents from politics, the bureaucracy, transport planning, news media, and public relations, whose work related to transport (with a number working on the case study projects); and surveys, interviews, and focus groups with 149 public respondents. The research identified projects whose contrasting fortunes tell a significant story in relation to the influence of news media. The SCM, despite being a project deemed to be of considerable merit by the majority of expert respondents, was, as stated by a transport planner who worked on the project, “poorly sold,” which “turned it into a project that was very easy to ridicule.” Following a resulting period of intense news media criticism, the SCM was abandoned. As a transport reporter for a daily newspaper asserts in an interview, the prevailing view in the news media is that the project “was done on the back of an envelope.” According to experts with knowledge of the SCM, that years of planning had been undertaken was not properly presented to the public. Conversely, the experts I interviewed deem the NWR to be a low-priority project for Sydney. As a former chief of staff within both federal and state government departments including transport states, “if you are going to put money into anything in Sydney it would not be the NWR.” However, in the project’s favour is an overwhelming dominant public and media discourse that I label The north-west of Sydney is overdue rail transport. A communications respondent contends in an interview that because the NWR has “been talked about for so long” it holds “the right sighting, if you like, in people’s minds,” in other words, the media and the public have become used to the idea of the project.Ultimately, my findings, dealt with in more detail elsewhere (Richardson), suggest that powerful news media and public discourses, if not managed effectively, can be highly problematic for policymaking. This was found to be the case for the failure of the SCM. It is with this finding that I assert that the concept of curating the discourses surrounding a policy arena could hold considerable merit as a conceptual framework for discourse management. The Curatorial Turn in Policy Development? I was alerted to the idea of curating mediatised policy development during an expert interview for my empirical research. The respondent, chief editor of a Sydney newspaper, stated that, with an overwhelming mountain of information, news, views, and commentary being generated daily through the likes of the Internet and social media, the public needs curators to sift and sort the most important themes and arguments. The expert suggested this is now part of a journalist’s role. The idea of journalists as curators is far from new (Bakker 596). Nor is it the purpose of this paper. However, what struck me in this notion of curating was the critical role of sifting, sorting and ultimately selecting which themes, ideas, or pieces of information are privileged in myriad choices. My own empirical research was indicating that the management of highly influential news media and public discourses surrounding transport infrastructure also involved a considerable level of selection. Therefore, I hypothesised that the concept of curating might aid the managing of discourses when it comes to communicating for successful policy and project development that is subject to news media scrutiny. Research into scholarship has indicated that the concept of “the curatorial turn” is significant to this hypothesis. Since the 1960s the role of curator in art exhibition has shifted from that of “caretaker” for a collection to the shaper of an exhibition (O’Neill, “Turn”; O’Neill, Culture). Central to this shift is “the changing perception of the curator as carer to a curator who has a more creative and active part to play within the production of art itself” (O’Neill, Turn 243). Some commentators go so far as to suggest that curators have become cultural agents that “participate in the production of cultural value” (244). The curator’s role in exhibition design has also been equated to that of an author or auteur that drives an exhibition’s meaning (251–52). Why is this important for policy development? It is my view that there is certainly merit to viewing a significant part of the role of the political animal in policymaking as the curator of public and media discourse. As Beatrix Ruf suggests, the role of the curator is to create a “freedom for things to happen” within “a societal context” that not only takes into account the needs of the “artist” but also the “audience” (Bourriaud et al. 91). If we were to substitute bureaucrat for artist and media/public for audience then Ruf’s suggestion seems particularly relevant for the communication of policy. To return to Bourriaud’s quote that began this paper, perhaps the role of the curator/policymaker is not solely to produce a policy “but to invent, to fabricate, elaborate reading grids or coexistence grids,” to manage the discourses that influence the policy arena (Bourriaud et al. 92). Furthermore, the answer to why the concept of the curatorial turn seems relevant to policy development requires consideration not only of the rise of the voice and influence of the curator/policymaker but also of those at whose expense this shift has occurred. Through the rise of the curator the voice of the artist has dimmed. As the exhibition is elevated to “the status of quasi-artwork,” individual artworks themselves become simply “a useful fragment” (O’Neill, “Turn” 253). One of the underlying tensions of the curatorial turn is the rise of actors that are not practicing artists themselves. In other words, the producers of art, the artists, have less influence over their own practice. In New South Wales (NSW), we have witnessed a similar scenario with the steady rise of the voice and influence of the politician (and political adviser), at the expense of the public service. This loss of bureaucratic power was embedded structurally in the mid-1970s when Premier Neville Wran established the Ministerial Advisory Unit (MAU) to oversee NSW state government decisions. A respondent for my research states that when he began his career as a public servant: politicians didn’t really have a lot of ideas about things … the public service really ran the place … [Premier Wran] said, ‘this isn’t good enough. I’m being manipulated by the government departments. I’m going to set up something called the MAU which is politically appointed as a countervailing force to the bureaucracy to get the advice that I want.’The respondent infers a power grab by political actors to stymie the influence of the bureaucracy. This view is shared by several expert respondents for my research, as well as being substantiated by historian John Gunn (503). One of the clear results of the structural change has been that a politically driven media focus is now embedded in the structure of government policy and project decision-making. Instead of taking its lead from priorities emanating from the community, the bureaucracy is instead left with little choice but to look to the minister for guidance. As a project management consultant to government states in an interview:I think today the bureaucrat who makes the hard administrative decisions, the management decisions, is basically outweighed by communications, public relations, media relations director … the politicians are poll driven not policy driven. The respondent makes a point with which former politician Lindsay Tanner (Tanner) and academic Ian Ward (Ward, Power) agree—Australian politicians are increasingly structuring their operations around news media. The bureaucracy has become less relevant to policymaking as a result. My empirical research indicates this. The SCM and the NWR were highly publicised projects where the views of transport experts were largely ignored. They represent cases where the voice of the experts/artists had been completely suppressed by the voice of the politician/curator. I contend that this is where key questions of the role of the politician and the curator converge. Experts interviewed for my research express concerns that policymaking has been altered by structural changes to the bureaucracy. Similarly, some academics concerned with the rise of the curator question whether the shift will change the very nature of art (O’Neill, Cultures). A shared concern of the art world and those witnessing the policy arena in NSW is that the thoughts and ideas of those that do are being overshadowed by the views of those who talk. In terms of curatorial practice, O’Neill (Cultures) cites the views of Mick Wilson, who speaks of the rise of the “Foucauldian moment” and the “ubiquitous appeal of the term ‘discourse’ as a word to conjure and perform power,” where “even talking is doing something.” As O’Neill contends, “at this extreme, the discursive stands in the place of ‘doing’ within discourses on curatorial practice” (43). O’Neill submits Wilson’s point as an extreme view within the curatorial turn. However, the concern for the art world should be similar to the one experienced in the policy arena. Technical advice from the bureaucracy (doers) to ministers (talkers) has changed. In an interview with me, a partner in one of Australia’s leading architectural and planning practices contends that the technical advice of the bureaucracy to ministers is not as “fearless and robust” as it once was. Furthermore, he is concerned that planners have lost their influence as ministers now look to political advisers rather than technical advisers for direction. He states, “now what happens is most advisors to ministers are political advisers and they will give political advice … the planning advice hasn’t come from the planners.” The ultimate concern is that, through a silencing of the technical expert, policymaking is losing a vital layer of experience and knowledge that can only be to the detriment of the practice and its beneficiaries, the public. The closer one looks, the more evident the similarities between curating and policy development become. Acute budgetary limitations exist. There is an increased reliance on public funding. Large-scale curating, like policy development, involves “a negotiation of the relationship between public and private interests” (Ruf in Bourriaud et al. 90). There is also a tension between short- and long-term outlooks as well as local and global perspectives (Lunghi in Bourriaud et al. 97). And, significantly for my argument for the privileging of the concept of curating of discourse in policy, curating has also been called “a battlefield of ideas in which the public (or audience) has become ‘the big Other’” in that “everything that cannot find its audience, its public, is highly suspicious or very problematic” (Bourriaud in Bourriaud et al. 96–97). The closer the inspection, the starker the similarities of each pursuit. Lessons, Ramifications and Conclusions What can policymakers learn from the curatorial turn? For policymaking, it seems that the argumentative turn, the rise of news mediatisation, the strengthening of power and influence of the politician, and the “Foucauldian moment” have seen the rise of the discursive in place of doing that some quarters identify as being the case with the curatorial turn (O’Neill, Cultures). Therefore, it would be pertinent for policymakers to heed Bourriaud’s statement that began this paper: “the role of the curator is not to produce a concept of art (or policy) but to invent, to fabricate, elaborate reading grids or coexistence grids between them” (Bourriaud et al. 92). Is such a method of curating discourse the way forward for the political animal that seeks to achieve the politically “impossible” in policymaking? Perhaps for policymaking the importance of the concept of curating holds both opportunity and a warning. The opportunity, exemplified by the success of the NWR and the failure of the SCM projects in Sydney, is in accepting the role of media and public discourses in policy development so that they may be more thoroughly investigated and understood before being more effectively folded into the policymaking process. The warning lies in the concerns the curatorial turn has raised over the demise of the artist in light of the rise of discourse. The voice of the technical expert appears to be fading. How do we effectively curate discourses as well as restore the bureaucrat to former levels of robust fearlessness? I dare say it will take a political animal to do either. ReferencesBakker, Piet. “Mr Gates Returns.” Journalism Studies 15.5 (2014): 596–606.Bourriaud, Nicolas, Enrico Lunghi, Paul O’Neill, and Beatrix Ruf. “Is the Curator per Definition a Political Animal?” Rotterdam Dialogues: The Critics, the Curators, the Artists. Eds. Zoe Gray, Miriam Kathrein, Nicolaus Schafhausen, Monika Szewczyk, and Ariadne Urlus. Rotterdam: Witte de With Publishers, 2010. 87–99. Craig, Geoffrey. The Media, Politics and Public Life. Crows Nest, NSW: Allen and Unwin, 2004.Danta, Chris, and Dimitris Vardoulakis. “The Political Animal.” SubStance 37.3 (2008): 3–6. Dryzek, John S. “Policy Analysis and Planning: From Science to Argument.” The Argumentative Turn in Policy Analysis and Planning. Eds. Frank Fischer and John Forester. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 1993. 213–32.Fischer, Frank, and John Forester. “Editors’ Introduction.” The Argumentative Turn in Policy Analysis and Planning. Eds. Frank Fischer and John Forester. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 1993. 1–17.Fischer, Frank, and Herbert Gottweis. Argumentative Turn Revisited: Public Policy as Communicative Practice. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2012.Gunn, John. Along Parallel Lines: A History of the Railways of New South Wales. Carlton: Melbourne UP, 1989.Majone, Giandomenico. Evidence, Argument, and Persuasion in the Policy Process. New Haven: Yale UP, 1989.O’Neill, Paul. “The Curatorial Turn: From Practice to Discourse.” The Biennial Reader. Eds. Elena Filipovic, Marieke Van Hal, and Solvig Øvstebø. Bergen, Norway: Bergen Kunsthall, 2007. 240–59.———. The Culture of Curating and the Curating of Cultures. Cambridge, MA: The MIT P, 2012.Richardson, Nicholas. “Political Upheaval in Australia: Media, Foucault and Shocking Policy.” Media International Australia. Forthcoming.Shehata, Adam, and Jesper Strömbäck. “Mediation of Political Realities: Media as Crucial Sources of Information.” Mediatization of Politics: Understanding the Transformation of Western Democracies. Eds. Frank Esser and Jesper Strömbäck. Basingstoke, Hampshire; New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. 93–112. Stone, Deborah. Policy Paradox and Political Reason. Glenview, Illinois: Scott, Foresman and Company, 1988.Strömbäck, Jesper, and Frank Esser. “Mediatization of Politics: Towards a Theoretical Framework.” Mediatization of Politics: Understanding the Transformation of Western Democracies. Eds. Frank Esser and Jesper Strömbäck. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. 3–28.Tanner, Lindsay. Sideshow: Dumbing Down Democracy. Carlton North, Victoria: Scribe, 2011.Throgmorton, James A. “Survey Research as Rhetorical Trope: Electric Power Planning in Chicago.” The Argumentative Turn in Policy Analysis and Planning. Eds. Frank Fischer and John Forester. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 1993. 117–44.Ward, Ian. “An Australian PR State?” Australian Journal of Communication 30.1 (2003): 25–42. ———. “Lobbying as a Public Affair: PR and Politics in Australia.” Communication, Creativity and Global Citizenship. ANZCA: Brisbane, 2009. 1039–56. ‹http://www.anzca.net/documents/anzca-09-1/refereed-proceedings-2009-1/79-lobbying-as-a-public-affair-pr-and-politics-in-australia-1/file.html›.———. “The New and Old Media, Power and Politics.” Government, Politics, Power and Policy in Australia. Eds. Dennis Woodward, Andrew Parkin, and John Summers. Frenchs Forest, NSW: Pearson, 2010. 374–93.Young, Sally. “Killing Competition: Restricting Access to Political Communication Channels in Australia.” AQ: Journal of Contemporary Analysis 75.3 (2003): 9–15.

Abstract:

Let us work backwards from what we know, from personal experience: the photograph of which we have each been the subject. Roland Barthes says of this photograph that it transforms "the subject into object": one begins aping the mask one wants to assume, one begins, in other words, to make oneself conform in appearance to the disguise of an identity (Camera Lucida 11). A quick glance back at your most recent holiday gathering will no doubt confirm his diagnosis. Barthes gives to this subject-object the title of Spectrum in order to neatly join the idea of spectacle with the fearsome spectre, what he calls that "terrible thing which is there in every photograph: the return of the dead" (Camera Lucida 9). Cathy Davidson points out that in "photocentric culture, we can no longer even see that we see ourselves primarily as seen, imaged, the photograph as the evidential proof of existence"; photocentric culture thus generates "a profound confusion of image and afterlife" (669 672). Andre Bazin announces that the medium "embalms time, rescuing it simply from its proper corruption" (242), while Susan Sontag points out that it may "assassinate" (13). What photography mummifies, distorts and murders, among other things, is the sense that the reality of the self resides in the body, the corporeal and temporal boundaries of personhood. The spectral haunting of the photograph is familiar to anyone who has ever looked at snapshots in a family album. How much more present it was to the producers and consumers of early photography who engineered the genre of the memento mori, portraits taken of the dead or in imitation of death. Despite the acknowledged 'eeriness' of our own recorded and vanished pasts, such pictures seem grotesquely morbid to us now -- for what we cannot recover is the absolute novelty of photography in its early days, or the vehicle that it provided in the nineteenth century for a whole set of concerns about selfhood that begin, ironically, with death. Those early photographs bring to mind another death, that of the author. Re-enter Barthes, for it is he who definitively announces the new textual paradigm in which the author disappears. In "Death of the Author," Barthes calls the author tyrannical and adopts liberationist rhetoric in unseating him. But what cult is Barthes actually countering? His essay begins and ends with Balzac, and includes Baudelaire, Van Gogh and Tchaikovsky, while his heroes are Mallarmé, Valéry and Proust. Barthes' notion of the author is implicitly a nineteenth-century construction, to be undone by modernist writing against the grain. And what distinguishes the nineteenth-century author from his predecessors? His portrait, of course. Thanks to the surge of visual and reproductive technologies culminating in the mechanised printing process and photography, the nineteenth-century author is suddenly widely available to readers as an image. The author literally becomes a face hovering above the text; it is this omnipresence that Barthes objects to. Photography gives new momentum to the cult of the author, but this is not mere historical coincidence -- that the photograph is developed at a point in history when authorship is particularly mobile: in between the Romantic individualism that transforms authorship from a craft to a calling, and the modernist interrogation of ontology and representation that explodes such notions from within. However, the opposite is also true. Photography as we know it is a product of the institution of authorship. Photography is founded on and makes available, through the democratisation and dissemination of a certain technology, a concept of public selfhood that hitherto had been reserved for those in charge of textual representation, of themselves as well as of other subjects. Primarily this is because the ideological, technological and material vehicles of the photograph -- identities, characters, scenes, the properties of chemical interaction, the invention of specialised apparatus, poses, props, and photo albums -- were closely related to book culture. How did photography change the notion of the author? It did so by commandeering truth claims -- by serving as the scientific illustration of divinely-ordained natural laws. The art of chemically fixing the image obtained through a camera obscura was perfected in 1839 by Louis Jacques Mandé Daguerre and William Fox Talbot, separately, with different techniques.1 Daguerre's method caught on quickly, partly because his daguerreotype recorded such exquisite detail. The daguerreotype surface was reflective and sharply etched; inspection with a magnifying glass disclosed minutiae -- insects, eyelashes, objects in the far distance. The daguerreotype, popularly nicknamed "the pencil of the sun," seemed like a miniaturised and complete mirror of the world, a representation without human intervention.2 In 1839, and throughout the 1840's and '50's, photography transparently supported the notion that the discoveries of science would help reveal God's secrets, not disprove them -- a view that suffered but continued on after the publication of The Origin of the Species in 1859. Its presumed objectivity and comprehensive truthfulness made photography immediately appealing as a scientific and artistic tool. Although it was used to record geologic formations and vegetation, the bulky apparatus of the early photographic methods meant that it was better suited to the indoor studio -- and the portrait, in which the truth of human character could be made visible. It served as a means of defining normality and deviation; it was central to the project of identifying physical characteristics of the insane and the criminal, and of classifying racial features, as in the daguerreotypes made of slaves in the United States by J. T. Zealy in 1850, which the natural scientist Louis Aggasiz used as independent evidence of the natural differences between the races in order to endorse the doctrine of "separate creation" (Trachtenberg 53) So perceptive and penetrating did the photograph seem, it was even deemed capable of revealing vice and virtue, and it was in this way that the photographer moved onto the terrain of the author. The truth-telling properties of photography seemed to corroborate the authorial estimation of character that was a central element of nineteenth-century fiction. In texts where photography is itself on display this property is especially obvious -- in Nathaniel Hawthorne's The House of the Seven Gables, for example, where true and secret characters are only discerned in daguerreotype portraits. But photography did more than divinely and scientifically confirm fictional character; the venerated author's ability to delineate moral qualities made him, or her, an exemplary character as well. The Victorians prized "sincerity," the criterion by which they measured their authors. Especially in the influential pronouncements of Carlyle, the Victorian notion of sincerity "makes man and artist inseparable" (Ball 155). An exemplary moral life was particularly powerful in the form of an author. Indeed, it was through authorship of some kind that such lives could take the public form they needed in order to fulfill their function as models. And so photography appears not just in the text but on its margins, framing and qualifying it: the portrait of the author, already a bibliographic convention, gains additional authority through the objective lens of the camera, in which the author's character is exhibited as a kind of testimony to his or her truth-telling abilities. The frontispiece guarantees the right of the author to moral leadership. As literacy and readership expanded and exceeded former class distinctions, the nineteenth-century author began to need to market himself in order to find and keep an audience. But since the source of the author's authority was sincerity, the commodification of the authorial self presented a dilemma. Some writers, such as Dickens, embraced this role; others withdrew from the task of performing a public self, but their refusal of the public's gaze was itself often dramatised, as for Tennyson, Elizabeth Barret Browning and, after her death, Emily Dickinson. The photograph portrait of the artist, as well as other likenesses of his visage, was a particularly convenient piece of authorial paraphernalia because it sustained the idea of the author as moral exemplar, but in fact it was only one of the many ways in which nineteenth-century readers kept the author before their eyes. Souvenirs such as autographs, original manuscripts and other tokens testifying to the presence of the author's body, as well as gift books and precious editions designed to generate and satisfy fans, were mainstays of Victorian keepsake culture. The photograph as corporeal souvenir signals the point where we must turn around and consider the question of photography and authorship from the other direction: that is, how the institution of authorship constructs photography. Given that photography as an art developed out of the desire to eliminate the human hand, to trace directly from nature, it seems ironic that photography could have an author. And yet it was the notion of a public and visible self, associated primarily with authorship, which accounted for the widespread popularity of photography. When the daguerreotype was introduced in 1839, enterprising amateurs in Europe and the United States transformed it from a tricky chemical procedure into a practical art, a livelihood. Daguerrean saloons appeared in the cities and in rural areas, itinerant daguerreotypists set up temporary headquarters. But every daguerreotype studio had two purposes, whether it was the high-end urban atelier of Southworth and Hawes in Boston or a peddler's rented room: it was the place where one went to have one's picture taken and it was also a public gallery, where the portraits of former customers were displayed. In an urban gallery, those portraits might include the poets, ministers and politicians of the day, but even in a village studio, one could see exhibited the portraits of the local beauties, the town big-wigs. Entering the studio as a customer or a spectator, anyone could imaginatively take his or her place among an assembly of eminent personages. More importantly, the daguerreotype and later forms of photography made portraiture accessible to the middle and working classes for the first time. The studio was a democratic space where one could entertain the fantasy of a different self, and in fact one could literally enact that fantasy through the props and accessories of identity that the studio provided. In borrowed hats and canes, sitting stiffly in chairs or standing against painted backdrops, holding books, flowers, candles, and even other daguerreotypes, the sitter could assume the persona he or she would like others to see. Often the sitter composes an obvious gender performance, other times the sitter exhibits himself as the master of a certain occupation. With the invention of the wet plate collodion process in 1851, which made it possible to reproduce quantities of images from a single negative, the public went in for the carte-de-visite, on which one's very own portrait was imprinted and handed out like a postcard souvenir. The carte-de-visite necessitated a new way of keeping and displaying multiple photographs, and thus the photo album was born. But in fact the paradigm of the book already governed photographic display and the storage of the personal collection. When the Bible was the only book a family might own, it served as the cabinet of memorable dates and events. Other kinds of mementoes were stored in lockets and books: locks of hair, painted miniatures, pressed flowers. Daguerreotypes were kept in small codex-like cases or in hinged lockets. The souvenir and its symbolic connection to the body (one's own or that of a beloved) was of course not limited to the cult of the author but was available as a mode of identity to anybody who read novels. The culture of the souvenir, the keepsake, the personal precious object stored in a book, offered a means of articulating the self that readily accommodated the photograph, and in that context, the photograph took on the properties of a personal talisman. In the wake of photography, the scrapbook, the flower album, the signature album -- all those vehicles for collecting and displaying the ephemera of a lifetime -- flourished. Books were no longer mainly devoted to dense layers of print but could consist of open space to be filled in by their owners, who would thereby become authors of their own works and incidentally of their own identities. The popularity of the album was partly due to developments in printing, which was changing from a text-based industry to one increasingly concerned with images, a shift that culminated in photo-offset printing and photoduplication. But the popularity of the album and other biblioform containers for the personal collection also has something to do with the culture of the souvenir, which prepared the way for the photograph as personal talisman and then accomodated the tremendous expansion photography offered to the self. Via the photograph, a self that was allied with its own mementoes would be transformed: selfhood formerly attached to an object intended for private contemplation was subsequently attached to an object intended for exhibition. Via the photograph, the same publicity attendant on the circulation of the author was incorporated into the stuff of the ordinary subject, who regarded his or her own image and offered it up to history. The reflexive spectacle of visible selfhood brings us back to the return of the dead, that feature of the photograph which seems to persist, and perhaps illuminates the difference between the kind of death it spooks us with now and the kind of 150 years ago. For our ancestors, the photograph was a way to cheat death, to manipulate the strict boundaries of identity, to become memorable, to catch a heady glimpse of absolute truth; but for us it is different. We can see how much we are the creations of photography, and how much we surrender to the public self it burdens us with. Notes 1. The technological history of photography is of course much complicated by issues of competition, technological "prehistory" and intellectual property—for example, there is the matter of the disappearance of Daguerre's partner Niepce. However, Daguerre is generally credited with "inventing" the medium. See Gernsheim, Greenough et al and Newhall. 2. The phrase and others like it were not only popularised by influential critic-practitioners of photography such as Oliver Wendell Holmes, Fox Talbot, in The Pencil of Nature, and Marcus Aurelius Root, in The Camera and the Pencil, but were perpetuated in the everyday language of commerce—for example, the portrait studio that advertised its "Sun Drawn Miniatures" (Gernsheim 106). References Ball, Patricia. The Central Self: A Study in Romantic and Victorian Imagination. London: Athlone Press, 1968. Barthes, Roland. Camera Lucida: Reflections on Photography. Trans. Richard Howard. New York: Hill and Wang, 1981. ---. "The Death of the Author." Image, Music, Text. Trans. Stephen Heath. New York: Hill and Wang, 1977. Bazin, André. "The Ontology of the Photographic Image." Classic Essays on Photography. Ed. Alan Trachtenberg. New Haven, Conn: Leete's Island Books, 1980. 237-244. Davidson, Cathy N. "Photographs of the Dead: Sherman, Daguerre, Hawthorne." South Atlantic Quarterly 89.4 (Fall 1990): 667-701. Gernsheim, Helmut. The Origins of Photography. London: Thames and Hudson, 1982. Greenough, Sarah, Joel Snyder, David Travis and Colin Westerbeck. On the Art of Fixing a Shadow: One Hundred and Fifty Years of Photography. Boston: Little, Brown, 1989. Newhall, Beaumont. The History of Photography, From 1839 to the Present. New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1982. Sontag, Susan. On Photography. New York: Dell, 1977. Trachtenberg, Alan. Reading American Photographs: Images as History, Mathew Brady to the Present. New York: Hill and Wang, 1989. Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Dean, Gabrielle. "Portrait of the Self" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.5 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/mc/0210/Dean.html &gt. Chicago Style Dean, Gabrielle, "Portrait of the Self" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 5 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/mc/0210/Dean.html &gt ([your date of access]). APA Style Dean, Gabrielle. (2002) Portrait of the Self. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(5). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/mc/0210/Dean.html &gt ([your date of access]).

Abstract:

Colombia, por su privilegiada posición geográfica –dos océanos, tres cordilleras, selvas y llanuras– ha sido calificado como un lugar inmensamente rico en paisajes y lugares aún inexplorados, por lo tanto, con una alta oferta turística, por la que ha adquirido fama por su biodiversidad, café, flores, música y manifestaciones artísticas, además, por ser uno de los países con mayor diversidad étnica en el hemisferio occidental y el segundo país más rico en biodiversidad en el mundo, ya que posee uno de los ecosistemas más complejos y frágiles del mundo; esto le ha permitido perfilarse como uno de los destinos más visitados por el turismo internacional en Latinoamérica. Como muestra de su situación, las noticias registradas en los medios de comunicación internacionales acerca del turismo colombiano, resaltan la belleza, el encanto y la imagen renovada del país. Principales diarios impresos y portales online, como el New York Times (Estados Unidos), La Monde (Francia), La Nación (Argentina), The Guardian (Reino Unido), entre otros, dan ejemplo de experiencias positivas de turistas internacionales y recomiendan lugares mágicos por conocer en el país. El turismo emergente1 surge como la respuesta a un cambio en los gustos de los viajeros, que en la actualidad buscan destinos reconocidos por su singularidad, diferencia y autenticidad, permitiendo a países en vía de desarrollo, enfocarse a mostrar sus recursos naturales y recursos turísticos. En el caso de Colombia, la diversidad en lugares emergentes, permiten que el país cuente con una alta oferta en actividades turísticas, cómo turismo de aventura, sol y playa, naturaleza, turismo verde, historia y cultura, gastronomía, cruceros y hoteles de lujo, los cuales permiten que el país proyecte su potencial al mundo. El auge del turismo emergente ha crecido de tal manera, que actualmente representa unos de los principales ingresos económicos de países en vía de desarrollo, generando a su vez, desarrollo cultural de las regiones y compromisos de los ciudadanos por proteger y preservar las distintas plazas emergentes. La Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura (UNESCO), por medio del Comité de Patrimonio Mundial, promueve la identificación, protección y la reservación del patrimonio cultural y natural de todo el mundo considerado valioso para la humanidad. Colombia actualmente cuenta con siete piezas que han sido declaradas patrimonio de la humanidad por la UNESCO; el Parque Nacional de los Katíos, el Parque Arqueológico Nacional de Tierradentro, el Parque Arqueológico de San Agustín, el Centro Histórico de Santa Cruz de Mompóx, el Corregimiento de San Basilio de Palenque y el Santuario de Fauna y Flora Malpelo, el puerto, fortalezas y conjunto monumental de Cartagena2 , los cuales reafirman a Colombia como destino turístico de talla internacional y a su vez, son el eje central de esta investigación, debido a la importancia cultural, material e inmaterial y el compromiso del pueblo colombiano de intervenir en su gestión, protección y salvaguardia. Los sitios declarados Patrimonio de la Humanidad por la UNESCO para Colombia, son un ejemplo de crecimiento, conservación y desarrollo de las zonas emergentes del país. Estas zonas han sido puestas a disposición del turismo, mostrando que turismo y naturaleza pueden ir de la mano. El trabajo de conservación de los sitios declarados Patrimonio de la Humanidad por la UNESCO, han motivado, a través del Ministerio de Cultura, la creación de la Dirección de Patrimonio en Colombia, como una estrategia para fomentar la participación ciudadana, encaminada hacia la apropiación social del patrimonio cultural y el respeto por la diversidad cultural. Por su parte, la Organización Mundial de Turismo (OMT) hace referencia al turismo emergente como un “fenómeno económico y social, se ha convertido en uno de los principales actores del comercio internacional y representa al tiempo una de las principales fuentes de ingresos de numerosos países en desarrollo” (OMT, 2011, par. 2). Sin embargo, en el caso de Colombia, la violencia y el narcotráfico, a partir de los años ochenta, se convirtieron en la barrera que impedía que el país fuese visto como un producto confiable para invertir y visitar. Por ende, en pos de potencializar el turismo, el Gobierno colombiano ha aumentado la inversión para fortalecer la infraestructura turística y mejorar la imagen y promoción de los destinos emergentes con el fin de generar crecimiento económico en las regiones. En este contexto, en el año 2006, de mano del Ministerio de Industria y Turismo (Min Turismo) se creó la marca país “Colombia es pasión”, con el fin de respaldar la imagen del país, bajo una marca que pretendió generar percepciones positivas tanto interna como externamente. Analizando la realidad nacional frente al tema de construcción de imagen país, es necesario evaluar las respuestas tanto positivas como negativas que la Marca País ha generado en la percepción que se tiene de Colombia y que contribuyeron a que los extranjeros tomaran la decisión de visitar el país. “Colombia es pasión” inicialmente trabajó a nivel interno, logrando cambiar la percepción que los mismos colombianos tenían del país y generando respuestas positivas y sentimiento de identidad con el país, lo que ayudó a dar otra visión a nivel externo. Como consecuencia de esto, actualmente el país está perfilado como uno de los destinos más visitados en el turismo internacional. Partiendo de la situación descrita anteriormente, la presente investigación establece un marco temporal, los años 2008 a 2012, para analizar las estrategias comunicacionales internas que favorecieron el posicionamiento de Colombia como destino turístico emergente en la demanda internacional. Iniciando en el año 2008, con la campaña “Colombia es pasión” a nivel internacional y cerrando en el año 2012, con el relanzamiento de la marca país y los nuevos objetivos comunicacionales. El relanzamiento de la marca país Colombia, es muestra de la evolución del país en materia de imagen, a nivel internacional. “Colombia realismo mágico” (2012) hace parte del desarrollo y el cambio que ha mostrado el país ante el mundo en el tema de seguridad, a su vez, potencia el turismo, que actualmente es uno de los motores de crecimiento del país, después del petróleo y el carbón. Para esto, es necesario hacer un recorrido de lo que se ha trabajado de Colombia a nivel interno y externo, indagar por qué fueron favorables los cambios del país, mostrando una imagen renovada ante el mundo. Un producto bien percibido genera confianza, lo mismo ocurre con un país. Una imagen país bien gestionada, con objetivos comunicacionales contundentes, permiten que un país –como es el caso de Colombia– evolucione y crezca económicamente. Objetivo general Como Objetivo General se propone analizar las estrategias comunicacionales internas entre los años 2008 a 2012 de marca país, y su incidencia en el desarrollo y posicionamiento de Colombia como destino turístico en el ámbito internacional y su contribución al crecimiento de los destinos turísticos emergentes nacionales. Objetivos específicos El análisis de las estrategias comunicacionales lleva a plantear de una serie de objetivos específicos que se van desarrollando a lo largo de la investigación, los cuales se mencionan a continuación: • Analizar las piezas graficas empleadas en las dos etapas —interna y externa— de la marca país “Colombia es pasión”. • Identificar y analizar los nuevos destinos turísticos emergentes en Colombia a partir de la selección de lugares “patrimonio de la humanidad” elaborada por la UNESCO. • Determinar el crecimiento del turismo mediante un análisis estadístico durante el periodo seleccionado. • Analizar, la posición actual y las transformaciones de Colombia como destino turístico internacional durante el periodo propuesto. Contenido de los capítulos En el primer capítulo se analizaron los conceptos claves de la investigación que ayudaron a descubrir el impacto generado, a través de la imagen país en el posicionamiento de Colombia como destino turístico emergente en la demanda internacional. Las estrategias comunicacionales dirigidas correctamente benefician el crecimiento y desarrollo de un país. En el caso de Colombia, el aprovechamiento de los lugares emergentes y la inyección de capital en las regiones, han motivado que el país, a través de las entidades gubernamentales y privadas, promocione y promueva el cambio de imagen a nivel interno y externo. El capítulo dos muestra la evolución del turismo tradicional al turismo emergente, hace un recuento de los tipos de turismo que Colombia tiene para ofrecer a los turistas y señala el listado de los siete sitios declarados Patrimonio de la Humanidad por la UNESCO para Colombia. El capítulo tres hace un análisis de identidad y simbólico de la marca país “Colombia es Pasión” a través de las características que hicieron que el país se identificara con la marca y se apropiara de ella. El capítulo cuarto realiza un análisis del proceso socio-cultural que se ha llevado a cabo a partir del posicionamiento de Colombia como destino turístico emergente en la demanda internacional, a través de entrevistas a actores vinculados en la evolución de las plazas emergentes del país y un estudio estadísticos de datos secundarios obtenidos de entidades oficiales. Hipótesis La hipótesis plantea que desde el año 2008 al 2012, las estrategias de comunicación aplicadas a la marca país Colombia contribuyeron a fortalecer la preferencia de sus destinos turísticos emergentes en la demanda internacional. Antecedentes y Estado de la Cuestión Al hablar de posicionamiento es ineludible referirse a fuentes bibliográficas que brindan información y demuestran la necesidad que se tuvo de generar una nueva imagen como aliciente a un cambio del contexto social del país. De la mano de consultores como David Logthle, se han desarrollado estrategias que han tenido tanto éxito como en el cas de Colombia y han logrado dar el paso de ser países poco conocidos o mal conceptuados a mostrarse como potencias emergentes en oferta turística. Con relación al estudio de marca país, existen diversas investigaciones que dan un plano panorámico de lo importante que este tema ha resultado en ciertos países que han optado por cambiar su posicionamiento desde este ámbito. Autores como Michael Porter (1994) en su libro “Creando la ventaja competitiva de Colombia”, desarrollaron las posibilidades de abrirse a oportunidades competitivas en el ámbito internacional y generar apertura económica. Por otro lado las monografías universitarias aportan un panorama importante en cuestión de investigaciones relacionadas con la marca país “Colombia es Pasión”. En primer lugar la investigación de autores como Lina María Echeverri, Eduardo Rosker y Martha Lucía Restrepo (2008), bajo el título de “El país como una marca. Estudio del caso: Colombia es Pasión”, muestran resultados sobre la creación y puesta en marcha de la marca país “Colombia es pasión”, el recorrido logrado desde el análisis de las raíces colombianas para la creación del logo, hasta las acciones y resultados de la marca país. En segundo lugar, la monografía escrita por Paola Andrea Villa Araque (2009) bajo el título “Hacia una estrategia de marca país: caso: “Colombia es Pasión” estuvo orientada a mostrar la importancia de la creación de una estrategia de marca país, la mala imagen del país, los beneficios para el sector privado de una marca país y los orígenes de “Colombia es Pasión”. En tercer lugar la monografía de Oscar Mauricio Salazar Loaiza (2009) bajo el nombre “Ideología de la marca país “Colombia es Pasión” de estuvo orientada a mostrar la ideología e identidad colombiana, la publicidad, persuasión ideológica y análisis semántico y visual de algunas de las piezas de la estrategia comunicacional de “Colombia es Pasión”. En cuarto lugar la investigación realizada por Carolina Salazar Silva y Daniela Segovia Segrera (2009) bajo el nombre “análisis crítico de la marca Colombia es Pasión. Su estrategia, componentes y efectividad, tuvo como objetivo analizar porque es necesaria una marca país, los beneficios, hace un recorrido por diferentes marcas país exitosas a nivel mundial y por último expone el caso “Colombia es Pasión”, orientando la investigación a la responsabilidad Social Empresarial. Dichas investigaciones son algunos de los registros más significativos que existen de universidades colombianas con respecto al tema de creación de la marca país “Colombia es Pasión”. Por otro lado, los pilares de la presente investigación se centraron en autores que referencia conceptos como posicionamiento, marca país, comunicación estratégica, estrategias de publicidad, evolución del turismo y turismo emergente. Estos conceptos, dan referencia –para este caso en específico– de la importancia que tiene, para un país, estar bien posicionado tanto interna como externamente. El desarrollo económico, aprovechamiento de recursos, la inversión, son algunos de los temas que motivan una campaña país. Esta investigación tuvo como fin analizar las diferentes estrategias implementadas en la marca país “Colombia es Pasión” y que ayudaron al desarrollo de los destinos turísticos emergentes de Colombia. Mostrando la importancia que tiene el desarrollo de los destinos turísticos en el crecimiento económico de un las diferentes zonas emergentes del país. Marca país Colombia, a través de sus campañas “Muestra tu pasión” y “Colombia el riesgo es que te quieras quedar”, mostraron el compromiso del sector gubernamental y privado de trabajar en pro de cambiar la imagen negativa, que durante años fueron referentes del conflicto interno del país a nivel internacional. Las políticas de seguridad que el país implementó de mano del gobierno nacional y el desarrollo del proyecto marca país, creado con objetivos contundentes de mejorar la percepción del país, fueron fundamentales en la evolución de Colombia como destino turístico emergente y el posicionamiento positivo en la demanda internacional. La marca país enmarcó objetivos que a largo plazo han dado frutos positivos, el trabajo que se ha realizado seguirá siendo continuo, ya que permite que el país ambicione no solo con el incremento de turistas o inversión extranjera, a su vez, incentiva el crecimiento interno de infraestructura, educación y compromiso de los colombianos por mantener y preservar las reservas naturales del país. En el caso de los destinos turísticos emergentes, la preservación de las zonas emergentes, de mano del gobierno nacional y el incentivo por el desarrollo de las regiones, han generado que el país, actualmente cuente con una alta oferta turística atrayente y diferente para los turistas. Línea Temática de la Investigación La línea temática de esta investigación se alinea a medios y estrategias de comunicación, la importancia actual de una estrategia comunicacional orientada correctamente y con fines específicos, permiten, como en este caso, evidenciar un proceso de cambio a largo plazo. La correcta utilización de medios masivos cómo la radio, televisión, eventos e internet, son motores fundamentales, para trasmitir un mensaje. En el caso de “Colombia es pasión”, la comunicación positiva, ha generado las respuestas esperadas en el cambio de imagen del país externamente. El proyecto comunicacional planeado para “Colombia es pasión” ha fomentado un crecimiento positivo para el país, el trabajo continuo y liderado por un país entero, genera que el compromiso por potencializar un país sea en conjunto y a su vez beneficie diferentes sectores. Los países en vía de desarrollo, necesitan incentivos de capital para desarrollarse, crecer y evolucionar. Seguir trabajando, desde otra perspectiva comunicacional, es un aliciente al trabajo logrado a través de los años, como es el caso de Colombia. “Colombia es Pasión” fue una estrategia comunicacional que nació y murió con el tiempo a medida en que el un país crecía y cambiaba su entorno económico. Colombia ha tenido un desarrollo importante y estas referencias se ven para este caso, en la amplia oferta turística emergente con la que cuenta actualmente y las nuevas campañas comunicacionales orientadas a aprovechar la nueva imagen que el país ha logrado externamente y que ha fomentado el desarrollo de los diferentes sectores económicos. Notas 1. Los destinos turísticos emergentes, son territorios próximos a centros turísticos de gran interés, disfrutan de unas ciertas actividades turísticas que puede ser mejorada. Pero no constituyen por sí mismos destinos convencionales. 2. El Puerto, fortalezas y conjunto monumental de Cartagena, fue el primer sitio elegido Patrimonio de la Humanidad por la UNESCO en 1984, actualmente es uno de los lugares referencia de turismo en Colombia a nivel mundial por su alto potencial turístico.

Abstract:

While the term “visual literacy” has grown in popularity in the last 50 years, its meaning remains nebulous. It is described variously as: a vehicle for aesthetic appreciation, a means of defence against visual manipulation, a sorting mechanism for an increasingly data-saturated age, and a prerequisite to civic inclusion (Fransecky 23; Messaris 181; McTigue and Flowers 580). Scholars have written extensively about the first three subjects but there has been less research on how visual literacy frames civic life and how it might help the public as a tool to address disadvantage and assist in removing social and cultural barriers. This article examines a forerunner to visual literacy in the push to create an international symbol language born out of popular education movements, a project that fell short of its goals but still left a considerable impression on graphic media. This article, then, presents an analysis of visual literacy campaigns in the early postwar era. These campaigns did not attempt to invent a symbolic language but posited that images themselves served as a universal language in which students could receive training. Of particular interest is how the concept of visual literacy has been mobilised as a pedagogical tool in design, digital humanities and in broader civic education initiatives promoted by Third Space institutions. Behind the creation of new visual literacy curricula is the idea that images can help anchor a world community, supplementing textual communication. Figure 1: Visual Literacy Yearbook. Montebello Unified School District, USA, 1973. Shedding Light: Origins of the Visual Literacy Frame The term “visual literacy” came to the fore in the early 1970s on the heels of mass literacy campaigns. The educators, creatives and media theorists who first advocated for visual learning linked this aim to literacy, an unassailable goal, to promote a more radical curricular overhaul. They challenged a system that had hitherto only acknowledged a very limited pathway towards academic success; pushing “language and mathematics”, courses “referred to as solids (something substantial) as contrasted with liquids or gases (courses with little or no substance)” (Eisner 92). This was deemed “a parochial view of both human ability and the possibilities of education” that did not acknowledge multiple forms of intelligence (Gardner). This change not only integrated elements of mass culture that had been rejected in education, notably film and graphic arts, but also encouraged the critique of images as a form of good citizenship, assuming that visually literate arbiters could call out media misrepresentations and manipulative political advertising (Messaris, “Visual Test”). This movement was, in many ways, reactive to new forms of mass media that began to replace newspapers as key forms of civic participation. Unlike simple literacy (being able to decipher letters as a mnemonic system), visual literacy involves imputing meanings to images where meanings are less fixed, yet still with embedded cultural signifiers. Visual literacy promised to extend enlightenment metaphors of sight (as in the German Aufklärung) and illumination (as in the French Lumières) to help citizens understand an increasingly complex marketplace of images. The move towards visual literacy was not so much a shift towards images (and away from books and oration) but an affirmation of the need to critically investigate the visual sphere. It introduced doubt to previously upheld hierarchies of perception. Sight, to Kant the “noblest of the senses” (158), was no longer the sense “least affected” by the surrounding world but an input centre that was equally manipulable. In Kant’s view of societal development, the “cosmopolitan” held the key to pacifying bellicose states and ensuring global prosperity and tranquillity. The process of developing a cosmopolitan ideology rests, according to Kant, on the gradual elimination of war and “the education of young people in intellectual and moral culture” (188-89). Transforming disparate societies into “a universal cosmopolitan existence” that would “at last be realised as the matrix within which all the original capacities of the human race may develop” and would take well-funded educational institutions and, potentially, a new framework for imparting knowledge (Kant 51). To some, the world of the visual presented a baseline for shared experience. Figure 2: Exhibition by the Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum in Vienna, photograph c. 1927. An International Picture Language The quest to find a mutually intelligible language that could “bridge worlds” and solder together all of humankind goes back to the late nineteenth century and the Esperanto movement of Ludwig Zamenhof (Schor 59). The expression of this ideal in the world of the visual picked up steam in the interwar years with designers and editors like Fritz Kahn, Gerd Arntz, and Otto and Marie Neurath. Their work transposing complex ideas into graphic form has been rediscovered as an antecedent to modern infographics, but the symbols they deployed were not to merely explain, but also help education and build international fellowship unbounded by spoken language. The Neuraths in particular are celebrated for their international picture language or Isotypes. These pictograms (sometimes viewed as proto-emojis) can be used to represent data without text. Taken together they are an “intemporal, hieroglyphic language” that Neutrath hoped would unite working-class people the world over (Lee 159). The Neuraths’ work was done in the explicit service of visual education with a popular socialist agenda and incubated in the social sphere of Red Vienna at the Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum (Social and Economic Museum) where Otto served as Director. The Wirtschaftsmuseum was an experiment in popular education, with multiple branches and late opening hours to accommodate the “the working man [who] has time to see a museum only at night” (Neurath 72-73). The Isotype contained universalist aspirations for the “making of a world language, or a helping picture language—[that] will give support to international developments generally” and “educate by the eye” (Neurath 13). Figure 3: Gerd Arntz Isotype Images. (Source: University of Reading.) The Isotype was widely adopted in the postwar era in pre-packaged sets of symbols used in graphic design and wayfinding systems for buildings and transportation networks, but with the socialism of the Neuraths’ peeled away, leaving only the system of logos that we are familiar with from airport washrooms, charts, and public transport maps. Much of the uptake in this symbol language could be traced to increased mobility and tourism, particularly in countries that did not make use of a Roman alphabet. The 1964 Olympics in Tokyo helped pave the way when organisers, fearful of jumbling too many scripts together, opted instead for black and white icons to represent the program of sports that summer. The new focus on the visual was both technologically mediated—cheaper printing and broadcast technologies made the diffusion of image increasingly possible—but also ideologically supported by a growing emphasis on projects that transcended linguistic, ethnic, and national borders. The Olympic symbols gradually morphed into Letraset icons, and, later, symbols in the Unicode Standard, which are the basis for today’s emojis. Wordless signs helped facilitate interconnectedness, but only in the most literal sense; their application was limited primarily to sports mega-events, highway maps, and “brand building”, and they never fulfilled their role as an educational language “to give the different nations a common outlook” (Neurath 18). Universally understood icons, particularly in the form of emojis, point to a rise in visual communication but they have fallen short as a cosmopolitan project, supporting neither the globalisation of Kantian ethics nor the transnational socialism of the Neuraths. Figure 4: Symbols in use. Women's bathroom. 1964 Tokyo Olympics. (Source: The official report of the Organizing Committee.) Counter Education By mid-century, the optimism of a universal symbol language seemed dated, and focus shifted from distillation to discernment. New educational programs presented ways to study images, increasingly reproducible with new technologies, as a language in and of themselves. These methods had their roots in the fin-de-siècle educational reforms of John Dewey, Helen Parkhurst, and Maria Montessori. As early as the 1920s, progressive educators were using highly visual magazines, like National Geographic, as the basis for lesson planning, with the hopes that they would “expose students to edifying and culturally enriching reading” and “develop a more catholic taste or sensibility, representing an important cosmopolitan value” (Hawkins 45). The rise in imagery from previously inaccessible regions helped pupils to see themselves in relation to the larger world (although this connection always came with the presumed superiority of the reader). “Pictorial education in public schools” taught readers—through images—to accept a broader world but, too often, they saw photographs as a “straightforward transcription of the real world” (Hawkins 57). The images of cultures and events presented in Life and National Geographic for the purposes of education and enrichment were now the subject of greater analysis in the classroom, not just as “windows into new worlds” but as cultural products in and of themselves. The emerging visual curriculum aimed to do more than just teach with previously excluded modes (photography, film and comics); it would investigate how images presented and mediated the world. This gained wider appeal with new analytical writing on film, like Raymond Spottiswoode's Grammar of the Film (1950) which sought to formulate the grammatical rules of visual communication (Messaris 181), influenced by semiotics and structural linguistics; the emphasis on grammar can also be seen in far earlier writings on design systems such as Owen Jones’s 1856 The Grammar of Ornament, which also advocated for new, universalising methods in design education (Sloboda 228). The inventorying impulse is on display in books like Donis A. Dondis’s A Primer of Visual Literacy (1973), a text that meditates on visual perception but also functions as an introduction to line and form in the applied arts, picking up where the Bauhaus left off. Dondis enumerates the “syntactical guidelines” of the applied arts with illustrations that are in keeping with 1920s books by Kandinsky and Klee and analyse pictorial elements. However, at the end of the book she shifts focus with two chapters that examine “messaging” and visual literacy explicitly. Dondis predicts that “an intellectual, trained ability to make and understand visual messages is becoming a vital necessity to involvement with communication. It is quite likely that visual literacy will be one of the fundamental measures of education in the last third of our century” (33) and she presses for more programs that incorporate the exploration and analysis of images in tertiary education. Figure 5: Ideal spatial environment for the Blueprint charts, 1970. (Image: Inventory Press.) Visual literacy in education arrived in earnest with a wave of publications in the mid-1970s. They offered ways for students to understand media processes and for teachers to use visual culture as an entry point into complex social and scientific subject matter, tapping into the “visual consciousness of the ‘television generation’” (Fransecky 5). Visual culture was often seen as inherently democratising, a break from stuffiness, the “artificialities of civilisation”, and the “archaic structures” that set sensorial perception apart from scholarship (Dworkin 131-132). Many radical university projects and community education initiatives of the 1960s made use of new media in novel ways: from Maurice Stein and Larry Miller’s fold-out posters accompanying Blueprint for Counter Education (1970) to Emory Douglas’s graphics for The Black Panther newspaper. Blueprint’s text- and image-dense wall charts were made via assemblage and they were imagined less as charts and more as a “matrix of resources” that could be used—and added to—by youth to undertake their own counter education (Cronin 53). These experiments in visual learning helped to break down old hierarchies in education, but their aim was influenced more by countercultural notions of disruption than the universal ideals of cosmopolitanism. From Image as Text to City as Text For a brief period in the 1970s, thinkers like Marshall McLuhan (McLuhan et al., Massage) and artists like Bruno Munari (Tanchis and Munari) collaborated fruitfully with graphic designers to create books that mixed text and image in novel ways. Using new compositional methods, they broke apart traditional printing lock-ups to superimpose photographs, twist text, and bend narrative frames. The most famous work from this era is, undoubtedly, The Medium Is the Massage (1967), McLuhan’s team-up with graphic designer Quentin Fiore, but it was followed by dozens of other books intended to communicate theory and scientific ideas with popularising graphics. Following in the footsteps of McLuhan, many of these texts sought not just to explain an issue but to self-consciously reference their own method of information delivery. These works set the precedent for visual aids (and, to a lesser extent, audio) that launched a diverse, non-hierarchical discourse that was nonetheless bound to tactile artefacts. In 1977, McLuhan helped develop a media textbook for secondary school students called City as Classroom: Understanding Language and Media. It is notable for its direct address style and its focus on investigating spaces outside of the classroom (provocatively, a section on the third page begins with “Should all schools be closed?”). The book follows with a fine-grained analysis of advertising forms in which students are asked to first bring advertisem*nts into class for analysis and later to go out into the city to explore “a man-made environment, a huge warehouse of information, a vast resource to be mined free of charge” (McLuhan et al., City 149). As a document City as Classroom is critical of existing teaching methods, in line with the radical “in the streets” pedagogy of its day. McLuhan’s theories proved particularly salient for the counter education movement, in part because they tapped into a healthy scepticism of advertisers and other image-makers. They also dovetailed with growing discontent with the ad-strew visual environment of cities in the 1970s. Budgets for advertising had mushroomed in the1960s and outdoor advertising “cluttered” cities with billboards and neon, generating “fierce intensities and new hybrid energies” that threatened to throw off the visual equilibrium (McLuhan 74). Visual literacy curricula brought in experiential learning focussed on the legibility of the cities, mapping, and the visualisation of urban issues with social justice implications. The Detroit Geographical Expedition and Institute (DGEI), a “collective endeavour of community research and education” that arose in the aftermath of the 1967 uprisings, is the most storied of the groups that suffused the collection of spatial data with community engagement and organising (Warren et al. 61). The following decades would see a tamed approach to visual literacy that, while still pressing for critical reading, did not upend traditional methods of educational delivery. Figure 6: Beginning a College Program-Assisting Teachers to Develop Visual Literacy Approaches in Public School Classrooms. 1977. ERIC. Searching for Civic Education The visual literacy initiatives formed in the early 1970s both affirmed existing civil society institutions while also asserting the need to better inform the public. Most of the campaigns were sponsored by universities, major libraries, and international groups such as UNESCO, which published its “Declaration on Media Education” in 1982. They noted that “participation” was “essential to the working of a pluralistic and representative democracy” and the “public—users, citizens, individuals, groups ... were too systematically overlooked”. Here, the public is conceived as both “targets of the information and communication process” and users who “should have the last word”. To that end their “continuing education” should be ensured (Study 18). Programs consisted primarily of cognitive “see-scan-analyse” techniques (Little et al.) for younger students but some also sought to bring visual analysis to adult learners via continuing education (often through museums eager to engage more diverse audiences) and more radical popular education programs sponsored by community groups. By the mid-80s, scores of modules had been built around the comprehension of visual media and had become standard educational fare across North America, Australasia, and to a lesser extent, Europe. There was an increasing awareness of the role of data and image presentation in decision-making, as evidenced by the surprising commercial success of Edward Tufte’s 1982 book, The Visual Display of Quantitative Information. Visual literacy—or at least image analysis—was now enmeshed in teaching practice and needed little active advocacy. Scholarly interest in the subject went into a brief period of hibernation in the 1980s and early 1990s, only to be reborn with the arrival of new media distribution technologies (CD-ROMs and then the internet) in classrooms and the widespread availability of digital imaging technology starting in the late 1990s; companies like Adobe distributed free and reduced-fee licences to schools and launched extensive teacher training programs. Visual literacy was reanimated but primarily within a circ*mscribed academic field of education and data visualisation. Figure 7: Visual Literacy; What Research Says to the Teacher, 1975. National Education Association. USA. Part of the shifting frame of visual literacy has to do with institutional imperatives, particularly in places where austerity measures forced strange alliances between disciplines. What had been a project in alternative education morphed into an uncontested part of the curriculum and a dependable budget line. This shift was already forecasted in 1972 by Harun Farocki who, writing in Filmkritik, noted that funding for new film schools would be difficult to obtain but money might be found for “training in media education … a discipline that could persuade ministers of education, that would at the same time turn the budget restrictions into an advantage, and that would match the functions of art schools” (98). Nearly 50 years later educators are still using media education (rebranded as visual or media literacy) to make the case for fine arts and humanities education. While earlier iterations of visual literacy education were often too reliant on the idea of cracking the “code” of images, they did promote ways of learning that were a deep departure from the rote methods of previous generations. Next-gen curricula frame visual literacy as largely supplemental—a resource, but not a program. By the end of the 20th century, visual literacy had changed from a scholarly interest to a standard resource in the “teacher’s toolkit”, entering into school programs and influencing museum education, corporate training, and the development of public-oriented media (Literacy). An appreciation of image culture was seen as key to creating empathetic global citizens, but its scope was increasingly limited. With rising austerity in the education sector (a shift that preceded the 2008 recession by decades in some countries), art educators, museum enrichment staff, and design researchers need to make a case for why their disciplines were relevant in pedagogical models that are increasingly aimed at “skills-based” and “job ready” teaching. Arts educators worked hard to insert their fields into learning goals for secondary students as visual literacy, with the hope that “literacy” would carry the weight of an educational imperative and not a supplementary field of study. Conclusion For nearly a century, educational initiatives have sought to inculcate a cosmopolitan perspective with a variety of teaching materials and pedagogical reference points. Symbolic languages, like the Isotype, looked to unite disparate people with shared visual forms; while educational initiatives aimed to train the eyes of students to make them more discerning citizens. The term ‘visual literacy’ emerged in the 1960s and has since been deployed in programs with a wide variety of goals. Countercultural initiatives saw it as a prerequisite for popular education from the ground up, but, in the years since, it has been formalised and brought into more staid curricula, often as a sort of shorthand for learning from media and pictures. The grand cosmopolitan vision of a complete ‘visual language’ has been scaled back considerably, but still exists in trace amounts. Processes of globalisation require images to universalise experiences, commodities, and more for people without shared languages. Emoji alphabets and globalese (brands and consumer messaging that are “visual-linguistic” amalgams “increasingly detached from any specific ethnolinguistic group or locality”) are a testament to a mediatised banal cosmopolitanism (Jaworski 231). In this sense, becoming “fluent” in global design vernacular means familiarity with firms and products, an understanding that is aesthetic, not critical. It is very much the beneficiaries of globalisation—both state and commercial actors—who have been able to harness increasingly image-based technologies for their benefit. To take a humorous but nonetheless consequential example, Spanish culinary boosters were able to successfully lobby for a paella emoji (Miller) rather than having a food symbol from a less wealthy country such as a Senegalese jollof or a Morrocan tagine. This trend has gone even further as new forms of visual communication are increasingly streamlined and managed by for-profit media platforms. The ubiquity of these forms of communication and their global reach has made visual literacy more important than ever but it has also fundamentally shifted the endeavour from a graphic sorting practice to a critical piece of social infrastructure that has tremendous political ramifications. Visual literacy campaigns hold out the promise of educating students in an image-based system with the potential to transcend linguistic and cultural boundaries. This cosmopolitan political project has not yet been realised, as the visual literacy frame has drifted into specialised silos of art, design, and digital humanities education. It can help bridge the “incomplete connections” of an increasingly globalised world (Calhoun 112), but it does not have a program in and of itself. Rather, an evolving visual literacy curriculum might be seen as a litmus test for how we imagine the role of images in the world. 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